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Why George Soros is the right’s favorite immigration boogeyman. – Slate Magazine

Posted By on June 26, 2020

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This piece is adapted from Emily Tamkins new book,The Influence of Soros: Politics, Power, and the Struggle for Open Society.

Financier and philanthropist George Soros critics in the United States and around the world have leveled all manner of charges, real and absurd, against him, for decades now. But nothingnot being involved in the breaking of the Bank of England, not speculating on Asian currencies, not supporting Sarajevo during the war in Yugoslavia, not putting money toward defeating George W. Bush in the United States or election monitoring in Georgia in 2004, not even his role in the financial crash of 2008has been as effective at cementing Soros status as a boogeyman as recent debates over immigration.

To understand the particular anti-Semitism of saying that a Jew is trying to bring in immigrants to corrupt a predominantly Christian nation, one needs to understand that a core principle of anti-Semitism is that Jews are always the Other. In the Soviet Union, they were rootless cosmopolitans. In Hitlers Germany, they were not only not of the German people; they were not of the human species. These are extreme examples, but they are nevertheless

part of history. Thanks to leaders like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbn and President Donald Trump blaming Soros for an influx of immigrants into their countries, this trope is also part of our present.

The idea of the Jew bringing in immigrants is, in a certain sense, the most perfect anti-Semitism. Here is a person who is not tied, not really, to the country in which they claim to live, of which they claim to be, subverting and corrupting the true nation, the true people, the ones who really belong. Of course, they want to subvert the values of the nation; they were never, could never, really be part of the nation in the first place. Of course, they are helping the invaders; they are invaders themselves. Of course, Jews are not helping refugees because they think its right; their reason for helping them is the reason Jews do everything. Jews want only to corrupt.

The beauty of this theory, if one is an anti-Semite, is that one does not even need to say the word Jewish. The very image of a prominent Jewish person smuggling in people trying to destroy the soul of the nation is enough to make anti-Semites synapses light up.

Here, someone might say that other rich people are criticized for spending money, and that attacks on them arent dismissed as anti-Semitic. But the attacks on George Soros are not anti-Semitic because they are a critique of money spent; they are anti-Semitic because they are a critique of money that has not and will never be spent. They are the invention and ascription of an agenda, a modern version of an old and hateful conspiracy.

Here, someone else might suggest that Soros is barely Jewish. This is correct if one thinks that the only way to be Jewish is to be both religious and tightly tied to Israel. Soros is neither of those things. Zionism, he once said, didnt interest him because he was interested in the universal human condition. But not being interested in Zionism is different from not being Jewish.

Put yourself in my place, he told his interlocutor in that particular interview. I was facing extermination at the age of 14 because I was Jewish. Wouldnt that make an impression on you?

Trump won the presidency after a campaign in which he called Mexican immigrants rapists and promised to ban Muslims from entering the country. He was not new to immigration conspiracy theories, nor was he new to anti-Semitic food for thoughtduring his campaign, he tweeted out an image of Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clintons face and the Star of David over piles of money (Trump, of course, denied that there was anything anti-Semitic about this; elsewhere in the campaign, he told Republican Jews that they did not support him because he, Trump, couldnt be bought, and they, Republican Jews, liked to buy and control their candidates).

But as the 2018 midterm elections approached, he combined xenophobia and anti-Semitism.

In late October 2018, Trump said he wouldnt be surprised if someone was paying for the migrant caravan that was then making its way to the Southern U.S. border. When one reporter helpfully shouted out, George Soros? Trump replied, I dont know who, but I wouldnt be surprised. A lot of people say yes.

When I saw [Trump blame Soros for the caravan], I was just likewhoa, this is just Orbns playbook thats come to America, said Frank Sharry, founder of the liberal (Soros-funded) immigration group Americas Voice. He remembered Soros becoming a boogeyman for the right wing back when he gave personal money to stop George W. Bushs reelection back in 2004, he told mebut he didnt remember it being so anti-Semitic.

A few days before Trump wondered aloud whether Soros was funding the caravan, it should be noted, Chris Farrell, director of research of the conservative Judicial Watch, said the caravan was funded by the Soros-occupied State Department. That same day, a synagogue in Pittsburgh was attacked. Eleven people died. The massacre was thought to be the deadliest against Jewish people in U.S. history.

The alleged shooter was upset specifically over the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish nonprofit that helps resettle refugees, which, he said, likes to bring invaders that kill our people.

The attack on the Tree of Life synagogue was a conflict between the language that Trump pushes and the ideals that Soros has funded. It was not the only one. In 2019, the Trump administration planned to change the census to track immigration status, which was quickly called out as a plan to scare undocumented immigrants and boost white voting power.

One day while I was reporting in Budapest, I checked my email, and a story in my daily Soros Google alerts caught my eye. It was sitting there amid the daily churn of conspiracy theories and diatribes.

My friend and former BuzzFeed News colleague Nidhi Prakash had written it. The headline read, Inside the Massive, Coordinated Push to Make Sure a Census Citizenship Question Does Not Distort Democracy.

The piece was about the fear from immigrants rights groups that the threat of the question would deter immigrants, including green card holders, from participating in the census. So, too, was it about the coordinated advocacy work to make sure immigrants and their families were not left outby offering help lines in multiple languages and doing community outreachand the unprecedented support from philanthropic organizations, including Soros Open Society.

There is, to be fair, an argument to be made that the very fact that those groups needed funding from a billionaire was already a distortion of democracy. But if the funding wasnt there, some of the most vulnerable people in the country would almost certainly be undercounted.

Shortly thereafter, the Supreme Court ruled that the citizenship question could not be added to the census. Activist groups doubled down to prevent an undercount of immigrants.

The story did not end there. Weeks after the Supreme Court ruling, Trump told four freshmen members of Congress, all women of color, all U.S. citizens, three of whom were born in the United States and one of whom was a refugee, to go back from where they came. He presided over a crowd that chanted of one of the women, Rep. Ilhan Omar, Send her back. He made clear that he wanted to make the 2020 election about immigration, and xenophobia, and borders, and Others. About the promise of a closed society, and an ethnonational conception of what it means to belong to it; the antithesis, in many ways, to Soros lifes work.

Democrats, too, are in a different place than they were in 2014, the year of Dreamers and President Barack Obama being labeled deporter in chief. They are even in a different place than they were in 2016, when former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton failed to win the presidency with her message of Stronger Together. At one 2019 Democratic primary debate, Obamas former vice president, Joe Biden, asked Obamas former housing secretary, Julin Castro, whether he had objected to the mass deportations. It seems one of us has learned the lessons of the past, Castro retorted, and one of us hasnt. Castro was running on decriminalizing illegal border crossings, something of a departure from Obama chief of staff Rahm Emanuels tough-on-immigration line. I asked George Soros whether he, too, supports decriminalization; he did not provide an answer to this particular question.

The No. 1 difference is [that] its become more partisan, Alex Nowrasteh, director of immigration at the Cato Institute, told me over the phone in August after I asked how the immigration debate and discourse have changed over the past several years. There were a large number of Republicans who thought liberalizing immigration was the right thing to do, he continued, citing the Gang of Eighteight senators, four of whom were Republicans, who wrote a bill to modernize U.S. immigration (it passed the Senate and expired in the House under the leadership of Republican House Speaker John Boehner in 2013). Democrats were more likely to support liberalizing immigration, Nowrasteh allowed, but it wasnt the massive imbalance you see today.

There is another difference, too, he said. The rhetoric is more extreme.

Multiple studies have shown that there are more people in America who think immigration is good than people who think immigration is an ill. But for people broadly supportive of immigration, according to Nowrasteh, the issue is probably not the main thing driving them to the polls. For nativists, he said, immigration, or opposition to it, is the No. 1 concern. They dont know how many immigrants are in the country, they dont know how the complex U.S. immigration system works, or that no one personeven Soroscould control it. But the more ignorant the opinion, Nowrasteh said, the more likely the people holding it are to oppose immigration. They know that they dont want immigrants, and they will vote accordingly. And Trump will encourage them to.

Will the people who vote on that issue come out to vote? And if they do, will Trump win? And if he does, what does that mean, in the late years of Soros life, for the legacy of a man who spent billions of dollars to counter thisTrumpsway of thinking about who gets to belong to and participate in a society?

I asked Charles Gati, a Johns Hopkins professor who knows Soros and was once quite friendly with Orbn, what he thought Soros influence ultimately was. It was still to be decided, he told me. It wouldnt be decided in HungaryHungary for the time being is lost. It would be decided here, in the United States, in an election that it appears will be largely about whether this country wants to be an open society that allows different people from different backgrounds to have an equal shot at shaping the debate or a closed (and white) one.

If Trump is defeated in 2020, he said, then [Soros] will be seen as a major factor that stopped the growth of fascism in the world. That he decided, more than 15 years ago, to get involved in U.S. politics will be viewed as a fine choice. He will be seen as one of the people who began to turn the tide. But if Trump is reelectedwhich, Gati said, seems likelythen he will be seen as a good man who has failed. Which I regret very much, said Gati, because he deserves better.

People say that its better to have tried and failed, Gati said, adding, But its not a great saying.

I asked Soros if he agreed with Gati. Did his legacydoes his legacyhinge on whether Trump is reelected?

No, he replied. The open society is always endangered and each generation must fight for it to survive.

There will always be people who would suppress others. In an open society wherein everyone is able to participate and express their opinion, those people have a right to express that opinion, too. But it is up to others who do not believe in ethnonationalism, ethnic cleansing, voter suppression, the stripping of the rights of citizens, border walls as substitute for other policyit is up to those others to ensure that the participation of those who believe in a closed society does not come to mean the exclusion of all the people who disagree. It is up to the people who believe, still, even now, in the need for open societies.

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Why George Soros is the right's favorite immigration boogeyman. - Slate Magazine

Belgian Parliament Calls on EU for Measures against Israeli Annexation – Al-Manar TV

Posted By on June 26, 2020

A majority of lawmakers in the lower house of the Belgian parliament passed a non-binding resolution calling on their government to push in the EU for drawing up a list of countermeasures against the Zionist entity if it annexes occupied territory.

The resolution, passed Friday morning, states that the Chamber of Representatives of Belgium asks the federal government to play a leading role in the European and multilateral levels for the creation of a list of effective countermeasures, which are a response to any Israeli annexation of occupied Palestinian area.

The European Union has expressed its opposition to Israeli stated plans to annex parts of the West Bank to occupied territories. But it and the governments of its member states have so far refrained from threatening the Zionist entity with sanctions or countermeasures, as the Belgian resolution calls them.

The documents in the part that explains its reasoning notes the application of economic restrictions placed by the European Commission, the executive branch of the European Union, against Russia for its annexation of Crimea following a referendum in 2014.

The resolution at the chamber, which has 150 members, passed 101-39.

Source: Agencies

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Belgian Parliament Calls on EU for Measures against Israeli Annexation - Al-Manar TV

Our View: Cyprus would have lost all credibility if it supported Israel in the EU – Cyprus Mail

Posted By on June 26, 2020

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Our View: Cyprus would have lost all credibility if it supported Israel in the EU - Cyprus Mail

UB vision research contributes to a rethinking of what leads to a rare, hereditary disorder causing blindness – UB Now: News and views for UB faculty…

Posted By on June 26, 2020

A series of papers published recently by two teams of vision researchers at UB and the University of Alabama at Birmingham (UAB) is revealing important new information about the possible cause of a condition that underlies a rare form of irreversible blindness in young children.

Retinitis pigmentosa (RP) is the label given to a family of disorders characterized by the degeneration and eventual death of the eyes photoreceptor cells, which absorb and convert light into electrical signals in the retina. Symptoms begin in childhood with night blindness and loss of peripheral vision, and the disease typically results in progressive vision loss and, ultimately, blindness.

The UB team is led by Steven J. Fliesler, SUNY Distinguished Professor and the Meyer H. Riwchun Endowed Chair Professor of Ophthalmology in the Jacobs School of Medicine and Biomedical Sciences at UB. The UAB team is led by Steven J. Pittler, professor and director of the Vision Science Research Center at the School of Optometry and Vision Science at UAB.

RP is caused by a multitude of disparate genetic mutations, Fliesler explains. However, one form known as RP59 has been classified as a congenital disorder of glycosylation (CDG). The process of glycosylation involves the addition of sugars to protein molecules to make glycoproteins, which are required for cellular development, structural integrity and viability.

But the researchers findings published this month in a paper in iScience, and two related papers published recently in the journal Cells, demonstrate that this may not be the case.

Although the more common forms of RP have been known for many decades, RP59 was only first described in 2011 in patients of Ashkenazi Jewish heritage. Those patients have a genetic defect involving mutations in the gene that encodes DHDDS, a key enzyme required for synthesizing an essential lipid-like molecule called dolichol. These patients manifest RP-like symptoms.

Up until then, Fliesler says, it was neither known nor imagined that defects in the biochemical pathway that synthesizes dolichol could cause the disorder.

In 2018, the National Eye Institute of the National Institutes of Health awarded Fliesler and Pittler a $2.2 million grant to study RP59 with the hope of eventually developing a gene therapy to treat or cure the condition.

The aim of the grant, which supports the current work, was to study the molecular mechanism underlying RP59 pathology by deleting the DHDDS gene selectively in specific cell types in the retina and examining the consequences to retinal structure and function, Fliesler explains.

The study described in the iScience paper involved targeted deletion in mouse retinal rod photoreceptor cells of the gene that encodes a critical enzyme (DHDDS) responsible for making dolichol and its derivatives, he says. Those mice exhibited a profound retinal degeneration with complete loss of rod photoreceptors by 6 postnatal weeks of age, which is among the most rapid photoreceptor degenerations ever observed.

Although we predicted the retinal degeneration, we expected that protein glycosylation in the photoreceptor cells would be severely compromised, since that process requires dolichol; yet, it was not, he says. That was a tremendous surprise.

We have not yet discovered why this happens, or what is the actual underlying mechanism of the very rapid photoreceptor degeneration observed in our novel mouse model, Fliesler says. Without knowing the underlying mechanism of RP59, it would be more difficult to develop targeted therapies to prevent, retard or cure the disease. Our results, in combination with results obtained from two other recently published studies from our group in collaboration with Dr. Pittlers lab at UAB, challenge the notion that RP59 is a congenital disorder of glycosylation.

The work is related to two previous papers, in which Fliesler and members of his UB lab are co-authors with the lead investigators at UAB. Published in Cells, the first study suggests that retinal pigment epithelium pathology may be a significant contributor to the retinal degeneration observed in humans with RP59 mutations.

More recently, the UAB and UB teams collaborated on a companion study, also reported in Cells, that showed that a knock-in mouse model (where an endogenous gene or parts of a gene have been replaced with exogenous genetic material) harboring the same mutation as found in human RP59 patients not only showed no defect in glycosylation, but failed to undergo retinal degeneration, and exhibited only very subtle physiological defects. These findings again point to a more complex mechanism for RP59 than originally thought, Fliesler notes.

Sriganesh Ramachandra Rao, formerly a graduate student in Flieslers lab at UB and now a postdoctoral researcher there, is first author on the iScience paper, as well as on the second Cells paper. Other UB authors on the paper are Lara A. Skelton, Fuguo Wu, Mark C. Butler and Xiuqian Mu. Pittler and colleagues at UAB are co-authors, along with researchers from the Polish Academy of Sciences.

The research was supported primarily by the NIH grant, with additional support from a Knights Templar Eye Foundation Career-Starter Award and a Fight for Sight Summer Student Award, as well as support from a Clinical and Translational Science Award granted to UB by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences of the NIH.

Fliesler conducted the research at the VA Western New York Healthcare System, where he holds a Research VA MERIT Review Award, as well as a Research Career Scientist Award, both from the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs.

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UB vision research contributes to a rethinking of what leads to a rare, hereditary disorder causing blindness - UB Now: News and views for UB faculty...

Report: Israel has told Abbas it will limit annexation to 2-3 settlement blocs – The Times of Israel

Posted By on June 26, 2020

Israel has conveyed a message to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas that its annexation plans have been greatly reduced, will no longer apply to the Jordan Valley and will be limited to only two or three settlements blocs, Channel 12 reported Friday, citing a senior official in Ramallah.

The official told the network the message was delivered via Jordan, following Mossad chief Yossi Cohens reported meeting on the matter with King Abdullah this week.

The official said no specific details were given on the settlements to be annexed, but said the implication was it would be a small number of blocs. There are three main settlement blocs Maale Adumim (to the east of Jerusalem), the Etzion Bloc (to the capitals south) and Ariel (in the heart of the West Bank, southwest of Nablus) all of which Israel has long indicated it would seek to retain under any negotiated accord with the Palestinians.

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The Channel 12 story echoed a radio report earlier this week, according to which Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi has said that Israel is unlikely to annex the Jordan Valley under the Trump administrations peace plan.

Head of the Mossad Yossi Cohen speaks at a cyber conference at Tel Aviv University on June 24, 2019. (Flash90)

I assume the annexation will not include the Jordan Valley. Everyone understands this, Ashkenazi told officials in closed-door talks in recent days, according to the Kan public broadcaster.

It also was in line with comments earlier this month by top Israeli officials to Zman Yisrael, the Hebrew sister site of The Times of Israel, that Israel will at this stage only annex three West Bank blocs, but not the Jordan Valley or other settlement areas.

TV news reports Tuesday night had said Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is hoping to get White House approval for a first phase of annexation that would include not only one or more of the major settlement blocs such as Maale Adumim, Ariel or the Etzion Bloc, but also one or more relatively isolated settlements, deeper in the West Bank, to convey the message that those more isolated settlements would also not become part of a future Palestinian entity. A potential second phase of annexation would be more extensive in line with Netanyahus pledge to extend Israeli law to all 132 settlements and the Jordan Valley.

A Thursday report on Channel 12 said security chiefs were deeply divided on the possible ramifications of annexation, with the chiefs of the military and Mossad at odds on whether the move will be met with significant Palestinian violence or not.

Ministers present at a meeting of the high-level security cabinet Wednesday said IDF Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi and Military Intelligence commander Tamir Hayman warned annexation could spark violent unrest in the West Bank, including shooting attacks on Israeli civilians and soldiers.

IDF Chief of Staff Aviv Kohavi speaks at a ceremony in the militarys Kirya headquarters in Tel Aviv on June 18, 2020. (Israel Defense Forces)

They also reportedly warned there could be a return of suicide bombings as there were during the Second Intifada in the early 2000s and said the move could lead to fighting in the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip.

Mossad chief Yossi Cohen on the other hand was dismissive of the IDF forecasts, the report said.

I dont accept the claim that annexation will necessarily lead to violent responses, he was quoted as saying in the meeting.

According to the report, Shin Bet chief Nadav Argaman took the middle ground, saying that while there would be a response to annexation, economic conditions were good enough in the West Bank that he didnt believe there was a Palestinian interest in breaking the rules of the game.

As Netanyahus intended target date of July 1 to begin annexation approaches, there has been rising international pressure on Israel to abandon the plan.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visits the area where a new neighborhood is to be built in the East Jerusalem settlement of Har Homa, February 20, 2020. (Debbie Hill/Pool Photo via AP, File)

Its unclear if Israel will move ahead with any annexation on July 1, since the United States is still considering its approval for the plan. Three days of White House discussions on the matter this week concluded without any final decision being made. Key US officials are reportedly heading to Israel to discuss the issue with Israeli leaders.

Blue and Whites Benny Gantz and Ashkenazi the defense and foreign ministers have also given the US administration pause by their reluctance to back the Netanyahu unilateral annexation plan. The two have said they will not support annexation that hurts Israels relations with its neighbors, particularly Jordan.

The United Nations and European and Arab powers on Wednesday warned Israel that its plans to annex Palestinian land would deal a major blow to peace.

Meanwhile, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told reporters that decisions about Israelis extending sovereignty to those places are decisions for the Israelis to make.

Gantz on Tuesday signaled he could back unilateral annexation of West Bank land, citing persistent refusals by the Palestinians to reach a deal with Israel, while reiterating his demand that the move not endanger Israels existing peace agreements.

We wont continue to wait for the Palestinians. If they say no forever to everything, then well be forced to move forward without them, Gantz said in a briefing to military reporters.

Benny Gantz, head of Blue and White party and MK Gabi Ashkenazi at an election campaign event ahead of the coming Israeli elections, in Kfar Saba on February 12, 2020 (Gili Yaari / Flash90)

Gantz laid out his conditions for annexation, vowing there would be an organized process in coordination with the Israel Defense Forces and other security services.

He indicated he opposed annexing territory with many Palestinians in it, and that any Palestinians in the territory to be annexed should be offered equal rights. He stressed the need for maintaining freedom of movement for Palestinians in the West Bank. He said annexation should be coordinated with other relevant players an apparent reference to Jordan, Egypt and others in the region.

Gantz is also said to favor that any annexation take place in the context of some kind of wider offer to the Palestinians a carrot along with the stick, according to a Channel 13 report Tuesday night.

Agencies contributed to this report.

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Report: Israel has told Abbas it will limit annexation to 2-3 settlement blocs - The Times of Israel

Bibi to Gantz: Sovereignty or Elections – The Jewish Press – JewishPress.com

Posted By on June 26, 2020

Photo Credit: Asher Schwartz

{Originally posted to the JNS website}

Throughout the coalition negotiations over the formation of Israels unity government, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was surprised to learn how strongly Blue and White leaders Benny Gantz and Gabi Ashkenazi opposed the plan to apply Israeli sovereignty in parts of Judea and Samaria and the Jordan Valley, which the prime minister intended to implement with American support.

With the specter of another election still on the table, Gantz and Ashkenazi, similar to the other senior members of their party, concealed the degree to which their positions on the matter diverged from their partners on the right. They claimed, after all, that they were centrists, and Gantz even declared in Washington, D.C., where he met with President Donald Trump, that he was adopting the plan. Just two months later, sitting around the coalition negotiation table, Netanyahu understood he wouldnt get anywhere with these two men.

But Netanyahu is determined. The sovereignty issue has become his lifes mission. He became Israels longest-serving prime minister, and now he is fighting for his legacy. Even in the midst of the coalition talks, Netanyahu was able to compel Gantz to accept the clause stipulating that unlike the other joint decisions and rules, the sovereignty issue could not be vetoed.

Although Netanyahu has an assured majority in the government even without Blue and Whites votes, other factors could derail the initiative; specifically but not only the Americans. Last week, Interior Minister Aryeh Deri intimated that such a move needs to have the support of Gantz, Ashkenazi and their fellow party members. In the meantime, Deri hasnt made this a condition for his support, but who knows what tomorrow will bring.

Without Deri, and essentially without the support of the entire right-wing bloc in the government, Netanyahu lacks the necessary majority to pass the plan. And if this isnt enough; he also needs the vote of Communication Minister Yoaz Hendel (Derech Eretz). From Netanyahus perspective, this is an intolerable situation. The last thing he expected was that his flagship diplomatic initiative, the one that would etch his name in the history books, would hang by a thread, at the mercy of a former aide (Hendel) who parted ways on bad terms.

In recent days, Netanyahu has met with Gantz several times to resolve the imbroglio. Gantz, who is trying to notch up a political win, tied the sovereignty issue to the national budget. In those talks, and in messages their offices have exchanged, Netanyahu made it clear to his coalition partner that without sovereignty there can be no unity government, that its either sovereignty or elections, no more middle ground.

This week, therefore, is critical, not just for Israels settlement enterprise but for the political system. If the Americans demand Blue and Whites cooperation as a condition for green-lighting the initiative, the government will instantly become a pressure cooker.

If Gantz is worried about a one-year national budget, because it would grant Netanyahu another opportunity in March to call for early elections without having to surrender leadership of the transition government, without sovereignty these concerns will most likely be for naught. If Netanyahus threats are to be taken seriously, this government wont even make it that far.

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Bibi to Gantz: Sovereignty or Elections - The Jewish Press - JewishPress.com

Mizrahi-washing: The new face of Israeli propaganda – +972 Magazine

Posted By on June 26, 2020

Mizrahi Jews have received growing global attention over the last few years. More and more people are finally recognizing that not all Jews in Israel are of European descent, that many arrived from Middle Eastern and Muslim countries where they were religious minorities, and that successive generations have faced discrimination since arriving in the country.

There is no overstating the importance of this increased recognition, the result of decades of dedicated work by Mizrahi activists and scholars. Discrimination against Mizrahim in Israel is an often denied and understudied phenomenon, and raising awareness of their unique experiences and circumstances is a crucial step in fighting against Mizrahi marginalization.

As international attention has increased, however, it has also brought with it a new wave of Mizrahi voices who insist on utilizing their identity for the purposes of hasbara, or PR for the Israeli government. According to these views, recognizing Mizrahi history inevitably leads one to understand that Palestinians err in casting Israelis as privileged oppressors. This argument is misguided and misleading.

If the past decade saw the rise of pinkwashing (the emphasis on limited LGBTQ rights in Israel to depict the country as a modern, enlightened democracy), these new Mizrahi voices provide a window onto an emerging trend of Mizrahi-washing: using the Mizrahi narrative to try and better Israels image around the world under the guise of authenticity. In so doing, these activists are attempting to distance the countrys image from that of the white European colonizer, while situating Mizrahi Jews as the ultimate racialized victim in the region and utilizing their past and present marginalization as the decisive argument against Palestinian demands.

The trend of Mizrahi-washing has accelerated over the last few years, most notably as Mizrahi hasbara activists have tried to combat cross-movement solidarity between Palestinians and Black Americans. Over the last half decade, the Black Lives Matter movement has expressed its solidarity with the Palestinian struggle for freedom and justice, while Palestinians have similarly expressed their commitment to the struggle for racial justice in the United States.

Israelis and Palestinians protest in Jerusalem against the killing of Iyad Halak by Israeli Border Police as well as the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police, May 30, 2020. (Oren Ziv)

Support and similarities between the two groups were galvanized by the recent shooting and killing of Iyad al-Hallaq, a 32-year-old Palestinian man with autism, by Israeli Border Police less than a week after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. In demonstrations protesting the killing of al-Hallaq, activists held signs referencing Floyd and the BLM movement.

In light of this display, Nave Dromi, the Israeli director of the Middle East Forum and Israel Victory Project a conservative initiative dedicated to backing an Israel Victory over the Palestinians as the way to resolve the Arab-Israel conflict used a recent op-ed to argue against drawing any possible parallels between the experiences of Black Americans and those of Palestinians. Any attempt to discuss the Israeli occupation and oppression of Palestinians through a racial lens, Dromi writes, misses one crucial aspect: the existence of Mizrahi Jews. Acknowledging that not all Jews are white Europeans, she argues, should undermine any effort to hijack the U.S. conversation about race and apply it to the Israeli context.

Dromi is not alone. Hen Mazzig, another prominent hasbara activist, who was paid by pro-Israeli groups to tour campuses around the U.S., argued last year that recognizing the existence of Mizrahim in Israel derails attempts to frame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of race. Those who seek to do so, Mazzig argues, tend to define Israelis as Ashkenazi Jews alone, despite the fact that the majority of the country is comprised of Mizrahi Jews, of whom many were persecuted, attacked, and marginalized in the Muslim world prior to their arrival to Israel.

Both Dromi and Mazzig are correct in stating that Mizrahi Jews have historically suffered violence and displacement as religious minorities in their countries of origin. However, this somehow leads Mazzig to deny the power Israel possesses with regard to Palestinians, and Dromi to make the baseless claim that Mizrahim sometimes see an Arab Muslim privilege in a somewhat similar way that a person of color might see a white person in the U.S.

Yemenite immigrants to Israel at the Beit Lid Transit Camp, near Netanya, July 27, 1950. (Seymour Katcoff/GPO)

It is no wonder that both writers fixate on the past. Had the two of them chosen to honestly grapple with the present state of Mizrahi Jews, they might have been shocked to discover that most of them no longer live as minorities in the Muslim world but rather in Israel a Jewish country that actively discriminates against other minority groups. Furthermore, they would have seen that despite ongoing discrimination against Mizrahi Jews in Israel today, they are nonetheless significantly better off under Israeli rule than are Palestinians.

Arguments that utilize events such as the Farhud the 1941 massacre against Jews in Iraq to diminish the Palestinian claim for justice weaponize Mizrahi Jewish history against the Palestinian struggle. Such arguments are based on the extremely problematic conflation of hundreds of millions of people living in countries as diverse as Iraq, Iran, and Morocco under the umbrella term of the Muslim world. Only through a paradigm that views all Middle Eastern and North African populations as identical can one offset the oppression of Palestinians by citing the harm committed against Jews in Iraq hundreds of miles away and decades earlier. And, only by assuming that Palestinians in 2020 are completely interchangeable with anti-Jewish Iraqi mobs from over 70 years ago can one seriously claim that Mizrahi Jews see Palestinians today as privileged or somehow equivalent to white Americans.

One could easily mistake Dromi and Mazzigs attempts to introduce Mizrahi experiences and history into the larger global conversation as genuine advocacy on behalf of Mizrahim. But the narrative they promote actually works directly against Mizrahi interests, because race is not only relevant to the Palestinian context it is also a useful lens through which we can understand the story of Mizrahi Jews in Israel, as well as that of Ethiopian Jews, African asylum seekers, and numerous other disadvantaged communities.

While Mazzig states that Israel isnt a country of privileged and powerful white Europeans, the state was indeed founded on white European ideals with the declared hope of bringing Europe to the Middle East.[1] Understanding the role that race has historically played in the Zionist movement allows us to recognize the efforts made by Israels founders to convince the world that Israel is indeed a country of white Europeans. According to their own narrative, Israel was to form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism, in the words of Theodor Herzl, considered the father of the modern Zionist movement.

Israeli Jews protest for the recognition and investigation of the systematic kidnapping of Yemenite Jewish children by Israeli hospitals and institutions in the 1950s, Jerusalem, June 21, 2017. (Shiraz Grinbaum/Activestills.org)

This narrative, which casts non-Europeans as barbaric, has since powered much of the treatment that non-Europeans both Palestinians and Mizrahi Jews have suffered under the Israeli state. Informed by this mindset, Israeli leaders sent many Mizrahi Jews to live in squalid transit camps upon arriving in Israel, sometimes for years on end, in the belief that they did not need or deserve better.[2] Mothers were deemed unqualified to raise their own children,[3] and many children were subsequently transferred to boarding schools or foster care.[4] In some cases, Mizrahi babies, particularly children of new immigrants from Yemen, were forcibly taken from their families and never heard from again.

Mizrahi attempts to resist their treatment were violently put down by police, and led to their being labeled as pathologically aggressive and violent.[5] Even today, data reveals persistent educational, income, and employment gaps.[6] In order to tell the story of Mizrahi marginalization, one need not go back to 1940s Iraq. This remains the story of many Mizrahi Jews in Israel today.

Adopting a racial lens to study police violence can help us recognize the racist dynamics that allowed two Israeli police officers to kill Iyad al-Hallaq, including the complete disregard for Palestinian life, the immediate presumption of guilt and the sense of threat associated with the Palestinian body, and the assumption that the officers would likely get away with the killing.

This same lens can also help us understand the killings of Shahar Maman and Shirel Habura, two Mizrahi men who were shot dead by Israeli police in incidents that need not have ended their lives. It may also help explain the killing of Solomon Teka, an unarmed Ethiopian Israeli teenager who was shot by an off-duty police officer last year, sparking mass protests across the country by the Ethiopian Israeli community.

Ethiopians and supporters take part in a protest against police violence following the death of 19-year-old Ethiopian Israeli Solomon Teka who was shot and killed by an off-duty police officer, Tel Aviv, July 8, 2019. (Tomer Neuberg/Flash90)

An examination conducted last year revealed that between 2014-2019 almost all Israeli citizens killed by police were people of color. Out of 14 killed, nine were Palestinian, three were identified as Mizrahi, one was of Russian origin, and one was Ethiopian.

All of these incidents and data not only demonstrate the dispensability of non-white bodies and the violence embedded in regimes that are built around whiteness, they also allow us to draw important parallels between the violence against Black Americans and the kind deployed against people of color in Israel-Palestine.

Perhaps that is exactly what is so terrifying about these parallels: recognizing the role race plays in Israel-Palestine could begin to knock down the walls of separation that have been built between Mizrahi Jews and Palestinians walls that make it easier to control both.

Voices that seek to Mizrahi-wash Israels accountability for its actions and rewrite reality by casting Palestinians into the role of white supremacists are using the very idea of race to sabotage any possibility for racial justice. Doing so is an appropriation of Black and Mizrahi voices for the continued subjugation of Palestinians. It should be recognized as the propaganda it is.

____________________________________________________________________________

[1] Dafna Hirsch, We Are Here to Bring the West: Hygiene Education and Culture Building in the Jewish Society of Mandate Palestine (2014) (Hebrew).

[2] Discussing the need to provide better housing for Polish immigrants, Yehuda Braginsky of the Absorption Department is quoted saying: [w]ell take those houses which we have already allocated to the North Africans and the Yemenites and give them to the Poles In that same discussion, Zionist leader Itzhak Greenbaum also stated that . . . Instead of putting the Polish Jews in this situation [of harsh living conditions], it would be best to do it with the Jews of Turkey and Libya. That wont be hard for them. Tom Segev, 1949: The First Israelis 178 (Arlen N. Weinstein tran., 1998).

[3] Dafna Hirsch, see footnote 1; Benny Nurieli, The Children Must Be Saved: OSE and the Jews of North Africa, in Zionism and Empire 269 (Yehouda Shenhav ed., 2015) (Hebrew).

[4] Tammy Razi, Forsaken Children: The Backyard of Mandate Tel-Aviv (2009). Bias in decisions regarding the removal of children by the child welfare system was also found in recent years, see Guy Enosh & Taki Bayer-Topilsky, Reasoning and Bias: Heuristics in Safety Assessments and Placement Decisions for Children at Risk, 45 British Journal of Social Work 771 (2015).

[5] Sami Shalom Chetrit, The Mizrahi Struggle in Israel: Between Oppression and Liberation, Identification and Alternative, 19482003 48 (2004) (Hebrew).

[6] Yinon Cohen, Noah Lewin-Epstein & Amit Lazarus, Mizrahi-Ashkenazi Educational Gaps in the Third Generation, 59 Research in Social Stratification and Mobility (Feb. 2019); Tamar Kricheli-Katz, Issi Rosen-Avi & Neta Ziv, Hierarchy and Stratification in the Israeli Legal Profession, 52(2) Law & Society Rev. (2018)

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Mizrahi-washing: The new face of Israeli propaganda - +972 Magazine

Ashkenazi asks Cyprus to help with Europe’s annexation response – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on June 24, 2020

Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi called on Cyprus to try to moderate the EUs response to Israeli plans to move forward with the Trump peace plan, in a meeting with his Cypriot counterpart Nikos Christodoulides on Tuesday.Ashkenazi said Israel is committed to promoting a peace process in a responsible way and in coordination with different factors in the region while protecting Israels strategic and security interests, based on [US President Donald] Trumps peace plan.The plan includes having Israel extend sovereignty to 30% of the West Bank, including all settlements and the Jordan Valley, though Ashkenazi and Defense Minister Benny Gantz have sought to have Israel apply its civil law to a smaller area.EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Josep Borrell and a number of European foreign ministries and UN ambassadors have made strong statements against any Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank. Cyprus has yet to say anything publicly on the matter, but is sensitive to the matter because it is involved in its own land dispute, with Turkey occupying northern Cyprus. Turkey also continues to encroach on Cyprus exclusive economic zone in the Mediterranean Sea.Ashkenazi asked Christodoulides for Cyprus to be a moderate voice in the discourse with European states.The foreign ministers also discussed reopening tourism between Israel and Cyprus, which recently downgraded Israel due to an increase in local coronavirus cases.Ashkenazi said Israel is trying to reduce the COVID-19 morbidity to allow flights and tourism to begin again.Christodoulidess visit was in lieu of one by Cyprus President Nicos Anastasiades with several ministers, which was canceled because of the hike in coronavirus cases in Israel.Israel is the first country Christodoulides visited since the coronavirus outbreak, which Ashkenazi said, shows the strong, stable and solid friendship between the countries that are marking 60 years of ties between them.Christodoulides arrived in Ben-Gurion Airport via helicopter, and the meeting was held in a special coronavirus green zone in the airport, created for the purpose of allowing such diplomatic visits.Ashkenazi said after the visit that Israel and Cyprus have many shared interests in strategic, diplomatic, economic and security matters. Every visit like this strengthens the important ties and partnerships in the eastern Mediterranean.The two ministers also spoke about cooperation on energy matters in the Mediterranean Sea.Israel, Greece and Cyprus signed an agreement earlier this year to work on the EastMed offshore and onshore gas pipeline, planned to be 1,900 km. long, from Israeli economic waters to the Greek mainland via Cyprus and Crete.Another energy related issue between Israel and Cyprus is the Aphrodite-Yishai gas field, about 10% of which is in Israels exclusive economic zone, and the rest of which belongs to Cyprus. The countries have yet to come to an agreement to develop the reservoir.

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Ashkenazi asks Cyprus to help with Europe's annexation response - The Jerusalem Post

The Politician, season two: A voice of a generation without a voice of his own – Forward

Posted By on June 24, 2020

Season two of Netflixs The Politician belongs, like a Ralph Lauren cologne ad or a Nancy Meyers film, to the culturally confused yet well-worn aesthetic of WASPy Jewishness. And somehow, even after all the decades of Jews having country clubs and garden parties of their own, it still feels transgressive.

As Payton Hobart (Ben Platt), adopted son of a well-heeled family, graduates from a race for school president to an upstart candidacy for state senate in New York, he finds himself and his convictions. But developing the courage to be himself means acknowledging that from top to toe he is, as the shows build-a-boy opening credits suggest, more product than person: A Jew raised by WASPs who cant return from his initial code switch, even as those around him find purpose in his traditions.

Hobarts ethnic dilemma is nothing new. In the shows pilot, his adoptive mother, Georgina (Gwyneth Paltrow), described the infant Hobart as a kind of changeling with funny, dark Jewish hair. Hes regarded as a black sheep by his sweater-mantled twin brothers and cold, crisis-prone father, Keaton (Bob Balaban), who is absent from this season, having forged a new path as an Orthodox Jew. Keaton is finally happy in his embrace of ritual, Georgina says, a notion that prompts the following exchange about political authenticity in Hobarts campaign to unseat incumbent Senator Dede Standish (Judith Light):

Im this big bright star shining right next to the sun in broad daylight, Hobart tells Georgina in episode one of the new season, lamenting that her madcap run for California governor on the platform of secession might pull focus. Ive tried everything.

You havent tried being yourself, Georgina says. But, in fact, he has the only way he knows how to.

From his chinos to his turtlenecks to his proposed policies, Hobart has curated his entire personality to be politically expedient: hes slick and unnatural as a Kraft Singles slice. Having spent his entire life alienated from his family and the culture he was born into, he took on the default look and ideals of preppiness. Still, his background gains dimension with the series move from a southern California setting to one saturated with New York Yiddishkeit. When he is given chances to play his lapsed Jew card, he opts out. Needing the support of a rabbi, he agrees to go to Sukkot services, only to bail last minute citing some shiksa waitress who served him bread with gluten.

Serves me right for being born Ashkenazi, Hobart tells the rabbi over the phone. While recited as a joke, the line can be read as sincere, coming from someone whose life holds regular reminders of his differentness. His Ashkenazi origins appears to have given nothing more than baggage.

The suggestion looms that Hobarts only covenant is with himself. He worships at the altar of political biographies and poll numbers. He wont show up to shul an instance of fibbing that leads to a breakup and he wont stump on his own Jewish past for fear it may expose him. Yet how Hobart emerged as a wholesale political animal, calibrated for electability, has everything to do with that backstory.

Born to a poor cocktail waitress, Hobart was brought up with his Jewishness tokenized by Georgina, who describes her exs new wife as a lovely Jewess with a wig. While Georgina dotes on him, her special treatment calls more attention to the ways in which he doesnt quite fit.

His method of coping and seeking approval? Organizing his life around literal popularity contests, previously within his high school, and now at the state level. But in putting that approval above all else, its become the only thing that defines him save for his own humble and never to be publicly acknowledged past.

That biographical blank slate contrasts with the character of Standishs riotously named chief of staff Hadassah Gold (Bette Midler), who, revels in her good Jewish girl from Paramus image while her boss speaks movingly of her single mother upbringing in Harlem. While Hobart is an unknown in New York, we never see him tell his story on the campaign trail, as he opts instead to identify as a eco-concerned Gen-Z everyman, a voice of a generation without a voice of his own.

The angst of his latest run for office is contrasted with Georginas parallel bid for governor of California, a vanity candidacy that she appears to have given little thought to. While Hobart is hyper aware of how he is perceived and plans his every move like a game of three-dimensional chess, his mother simply wings it with the self-assurance that only comes with a Mayflower pedigree. Try as he might, concerted as he is, Hobarts faking it and he knows it.

Yet whats remarkable is that he really doesnt need to. At every corner, the second seasons sharp writing indicates that a degree of assimilation has elevated certain Jews to a privileged strata that need have no identity politics at all. The characters attend a Broadway musical based on Studs Terkels lefty labor writing; a character is described as wearing Gloria Steinem glasses; everyone makes copious references to the oeuvre of Nancy Meyers; a secular political debate at the 92nd Street Y is a centerpiece of the campaign. The irony, and the cause of all of Hobarts turmoil, is that hes incapable of finding that same easy comfort, doomed to feel like an impostor while passing as a member of the elite. He had to leave his Jewishness behind to play the WASP. Now, its the only role he knows how to play.

PJ Grisar is the Forwards culture fellow. He can be reached at grisar@forward.com

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The Politician, season two: A voice of a generation without a voice of his own - Forward

Thinking of How I Teach My Black, Jewish Daughters About This Moment in History – Jewish Journal

Posted By on June 24, 2020

Igrew up in an upper middle-class home in Brooklyn, N.Y., in the 1980s and 90s. My parents were well educated; my dad owns his own business and I was taught that I could be and should be anything I want. Unlike many other Black children, my parents did not have the talk with me. My mother, a white Ashkenazi Jew from New York, and my father, a half-Black and half-Chinese man from Trinidad, thought their love proved the world was now colorblind.

We were the only Black family on our block. We received bomb threats, were denied admittance to a Jewish day school, lived through the Crown Heights race riots between Chasidic Jews and Black Caribbean immigrants in the late 80s, and yet, we still never talked about it.

I am an extremely confident, strong, empowered and optimistic person. I generally see people as good and trust them until they prove to me otherwise. My husband, a dark-skinned man from Ghana, had a different experience. Told at the age of 8 that he had to work twice as hard to get half as far in America, and seeing this born out in reality, hes more guarded and feels he cant fully trust people until they earn his trust.

How are we going to raise our daughters? A combination of both approaches. We will, no doubt, have a talk but we will also ensure our daughters are full of confidence, self-love and belief in their own destiny. My parents way was definitely not the right way because I was not prepared emotionally and did not have the right language to deal with the many microaggressions Ive experienced. My husbands lesson could have backfired, and he could have used that message as an excuse for failure.

The current moment is forcing me to speak in a way I never have before. Its uncomfortable and I feel naked. When I first saw the George Floyd video, I couldnt watch it. Truthfully, I have not watched more than a few seconds. It takes my breath away.

The protests and actions now include many, many, many white people. There seems to be an awakening and active desire by them to be part of the solution.

Weve been overwhelmed and somewhat confused but also heartened by the outpouring of texts, emails and calls from friends just checking in to see how we are doing. We are the Black friends that everyone especially Jewish friends wants to check on right now. Will it last? Will they be checking on us or continuing their protests in two weeks, two months or two years? I dont know. But this is where my parents rosy view of the world kicks in. I am optimistic.

My husband, on the other hand, was angry, demanding, Why is this any different than every other incident of police brutality? Where was the outrage and protests for every other murder? Why has it taken so long for white people to understand and believe this has been going on?

Its true. There were protests (and riots) against the Rodney King decision in L.A. in 1992, after the Michael Brown killing in Ferguson, Mo., in 2014, and a few others around the nation. But these protests were mostly held by people of color.

The protests and actions now include many, many, many white people. There seems to be an awakening and active desire by them to be part of the solution. These allies are crucial to keeping this momentum going.

Ironically, although I have big-picture optimism, I personally feel helpless, restless and nervous. Im trying to figure out my role in this movement. Im treated like a spokesperson but I feel like kind of a fraud. Im not a Black man. Im light-skinned. I grew up with every advantage in life. I have an advanced degree. And yet, I live in skin that causes most Jews to look at me funny and question my right to belong every time I walk into a synagogue. Fortunately, Im better equipped and more comfortable now to deal with these questions and quizzical looks than I was when I was a child. My family was the only Black family in our synagogue, and I didnt have adult Jews of Color to look up to. Im a mom now to two adorable girls who are too young to really understand whats going on. But one day they will understand. And one day they may also feel like they dont fit in.

I guess thats my role. I speak, I write, I advocate and I help normalize the Jews of Color experience. Everything I do is for my children, and other Jewish children of Color.

A former lawyer, Marissa Tiamfook Gee owns a corporate wellness and personal training company and is on the board of IKAR.

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Thinking of How I Teach My Black, Jewish Daughters About This Moment in History - Jewish Journal


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