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How fast will Israels new government proceed with annexation? – The Economist

Posted By on May 21, 2020

A period of co-operation with the Palestinians may be coming to an end

IT HAS BEEN six years since Israeli and Palestinian leaders last talked to each other. There is no end in sight to the decades-old confrontation between the two sides. But the outbreak of covid-19 has at least led to inspiring examples of co-operation, says Nickolay Mladenov, the UNs envoy in the region. On May 19th, for example, Israel allowed a plane from the United Arab Emirates, with which it does not have formal relations, to deliver medical supplies to the Palestinians. Israel itself has trained Palestinian medics and ensured that testing kits and protective gear reach the occupied territories. It is also planning a loan for the Palestinian Authority (PA), which runs the West Bank. The recognition of this interdependence couldif there is political willtranslate into tangible progress towards resolving the conflict, Mr Mladenov says hopefully.

Yet a new government in Israel, sworn in on May 17th, may bring this period of co-operation to an end. After three elections and over a year of political deadlock, Binyamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, reached a deal with his former rival, Benny Gantz, to share power. Mr Netanyahu will stay in the top job until November 2021, when Mr Gantz (currently the alternate prime minister) will take over. The big question is how will they proceed with annexation. Mr Netanyahu has promised to extend Israeli sovereignty over chunks of the West Bank that the Palestinians see as part of their future state. According to the coalition agreement, he can hold a vote on annexation in the cabinet or parliament any time after July 1st. America must also approve any move.

Donald Trump, Americas president, gave Mr Netanyahu a push in January when his administration released a peace plan that would have Israel maintain control of all of Jerusalem and take parts of the West Bank, where Israel has dozens of settlements, and all of the Jordan Valley (see map). In his inaugural speech Mr Netanyahu sounded eager to write a glorious new chapter in the history of Zionism. But currently he is focused on restoring jobs, jobs, jobs to an economy hit hard by the virusand fighting corruption charges in a trial that begins on May 24th. He has not specified a timetable for annexation, and when he spoke to his new ministers he didnt list it as a priority. It was a good election gimmick for Netanyahu to rally his base, says a minister. And it worked. But I dont think hes going to go through with it. Perhaps hell make do with a symbolic annexation of a couple of settlements.

Mr Netanyahus new partners are also sounding cautious. Gabi Ashkenazi, the foreign minister (and an ally of Mr Gantz), says the Trump plan is a historic opportunity, but that Israel will proceed responsibly, in co-ordination with the United States, while safeguarding peace agreements and Israels strategic interests. Mr Ashkenazi is concerned about Jordan, which is at peace with Israel and is home to millions of Palestinians. King Abdullah of Jordan worries that annexation would kill any hope of a two-state solution and stir up his own Palestinian subjects.

Mr Netanyahus supporters want him to push ahead while Mr Trump is still in office. Lately, though, the White House, under pressure from Arab leaders, has sounded less gung-ho about annexation. When Mike Pompeo, Americas secretary of state, visited Israel on May 13th, he said Mr Netanyahu and Mr Gantz, a former army chief who opposes unilateral annexation, will have to find the way forward together. Israeli diplomats say the administration has asked Mr Netanyahu to put things on hold, for now. Some on the Israeli right hope that Mr Trump, who is up for re-election in November, may yet push for annexation in order to win over evangelicals and right-wing Jewish voters.

The Palestinians, for their part, are outraged. Mahmoud Abbas, their president, says the annexation clause in the Israeli coalition deal means the PA is no longer bound by its agreements with Israel. He has made such statements before, but never followed through by, for example, ending security co-operation. Joint action against the outbreak continues. The death rate from covid-19 has been low on both sides. I can work with my Israeli colleagues against the coronavirus for the health of my people, says a Palestinian doctor. It doesnt change the ugly reality of occupation.

This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Nice while it lasted"

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How fast will Israels new government proceed with annexation? - The Economist

Counting Jews of color: Are we asking the right questions? J. – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on May 21, 2020

I know it is not Passover season, but I found myself thinking about the fourth child the one who does not know how to ask when I was reading Ira Sheskin and Arnie Dashefskys May 17 piece, How Many Jews of Color Are There? on eJewishPhilanthropy.com.

In the title, they ask a good question.

It is a question that my colleagues and I tried to answer, with support from the Jews of Color Field Building Initiative and others, whose findings we published in a report called Counting Inconsistencies.

As the title of our report indicates, we discovered that we could not answer the question. It turns out that if you scan American Jewish population surveys, you find significant and systematic inconsistencies in the ways that they inquire about the racial and ethnic identities of American Jews. Surveys were inconsistent in how they asked about Ashkenazi, Sepharadi and Mizrahi identities, in their application of national origin and ethnicity, and in the language they used to ask about ethnic and racial identity (Spanish? Hispanic? Latinx?).

These inconsistencies make impossible straightforward answers (of the kind that Sheskin and Dashefsky wish for).

The strategy in Counting Inconsistencies, therefore, was to offer our best estimate, based in part on the conclusions of the American Jewish Population Project, which established a lower bound of 12 percent.

But inconsistencies are only the half of it. We could only find inconsistencies where there were questions about race and ethnicity. Further analysis revealed that only 41 percent of Jewish community studies (36 of 89) conducted since 2000 included any questions about race and ethnicity in the first place (all of the studies, reports, survey instruments and data are available at the Berman Jewish DataBank).

Sheskin knows this well, because he has been the primary investigator on 33 such studies since 2000. Ten of his studies included questions about race and ethnicity, with attendant inconsistencies. But 20 of his studies did not ask about race or ethnicity at all (the remaining three did not apply to the present question).

So, we do not know how many Jews of color live in the majority of the communities that Sheskin studied because he did not think to ask.

As social scientists, we cant claim to have answers to questions that we did not ask.

The details of how we or they arrived at our respective insights about the diversity of the American Jewish community are best left for methodological appendices but the larger issue here is crucial to how the American Jewish community sees itself, how Jewish communal institutions plan for the future and, ultimately, about who counts in American Jewish life with implications both for who is counted, and for who is doing the counting.

Whomever does the counting has inordinate power to include and exclude populations not only on the basis of sampling approaches, but on the basis of the questions they ask.

Imagine if those administering Jewish demographic studies decided that belief in God was not important, nor love of the State of Israel, or chose not to ask questions about educational attainment or the Jewish identities of ones parents. All of these are standard questions in demographic surveys because those responsible for creating and administering them have decided in advance that these are questions worth asking about.

By omitting questions about racial and ethnic identity from Jewish population studies, not only are Jewish communities uninformed about reliable data about Jews of color, but they are signaling that ethnicity and race are, simply, not salient categories (or variables) for accounting for the experiences of American Jews. In short, those responsible for creating the surveys are deciding in advance that racial and ethnic identities do not matter, and, by extension, neither do people who hold those identities.

Failing to ask questions about race and ethnicity perpetuates the assumption (presumption) that American Jews nearly uniformly identify as white, and that ethnic and racial diversity does not and should not matter when it comes to documenting, understanding, and supporting the lives of American Jews and their communities.

It perpetuates a set of biases and prejudices shared by some American Jewish communal leaders that systematically sustains a sense of normative whiteness and even privilege among American Jews.

Those systematic ethnic and racial biases are built out of a kind of arrogance and myopia about who American Jews are and whose experience is worth documenting and whose is not. They are perpetuated by researchers and communities who fail to ask. And their failures are not because they dont know how to ask the question, as in the story of the Four Children, but because they do not think asking is important which is far far worse.

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Counting Jews of color: Are we asking the right questions? J. - The Jewish News of Northern California

How many Jews of color are there? Fewer than you think. – Forward

Posted By on May 21, 2020

This article originally appeared in eJewishphilanthropy. It is based on information presented in Chapter five of the 2019 American Jewish Year Book 2019, eds. Arnold Dashefsky and Ira M. Sheskin., vol. 119, Cham Switzerland: Springer, due out in June. You can read a response to this article by Professor Ari Kelman, who disputes the claims made in this article, here.

A recent article in ejewishphilanthropy reprinted an estimate (from Reform Judaism) that 12% of American Jews are Jews of Color. This estimate, in turn, came from a report entitledCounting the Inconsistencies: An Analysis of American Jewish Population Studies with a Focus on Jews of Color, which stated that at least 12-15% of American Jews are Jews of Color. It is also true that the 2017 San Francisco Bay Area Jewish community study shows that 13% of Jews in the 10-county Bay Area are Jews of Color and the 2011 New York Jewish population study shows that 12% of New York Jewish households are multiracial. (However, this does NOT mean that 12% of New York Jews are Jews of Color. Some multiracial households contain non-Jews who are of color.) But San Francisco and New York are special cases and are not indicative of the composition of Jews nationally.

We agree that a significant number of American Jews are, indeed, Jews of Color, that this number is likely to increase in the future, and that it is more than unfortunate if even just one person is made to feel uncomfortable in a Jewish setting. But we also have a responsibility to make certain that, in both developing programs for any population subgroup and in evaluating the effectiveness of those programs, we do so based upon accurate information.

The at least 12%15% estimate is substantially higher than the 6% estimate made by the Pew Research Center in 2013. The 6% Pew figure is just about equal to the 7% found in the 1990 National Survey of Religious Identification and the 5% from the 20002001 National Jewish Population Survey, which indicates that the percentage nationally does not appear to have changed significantly between 1990 and 2013. In addition, the number of Jews of Color in America appears to be relatively stable at about 420,000 between 1990 and 2019. NSRI, NJPS, and Pew are generally accepted as accurate sources of information on the American Jewish community as a whole. The few local Jewish community studies (outside of San Francisco and New York) that have queried race and ethnicity also lend support to the 6% figure. In addition, the 12%-15% figure would imply that almost one of 6 American Jews is a Jew of Color.

Note that the 6% in the 2013 Pew study is comprised of 2% black (non-Hispanic), 3% Hispanic, and 2% other/mixed races. (This adds to 7% due to rounding.) These data are consistent with other Pew surveys of religion among both blacks and Hispanics.

Nevertheless, as intermarriage continues among American Jews at high levels, as Jews adopt children who may be of Color, and as non-Jewish persons of color decide to identify as Jewish, the share of Jews of Color in the American Jewish population is likely to increase.

It should also be noted that many Jews who might identify as Hispanic are, in fact, Ashkenazi and are much less likely to be of Color. For example, in Miami, about 60% of Hispanic Jews consider themselves Ashkenazi. (In many cases, these are Jews whose parents or grandparents fled the Holocaust to places like Cuba and Argentina and then settled in the US.) Some of these Hispanic Jews (be they Ashkenazi or Sephardic) would consider themselves to be Jews of Color, but some will not. A similar argument can be made against assuming that all Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews are Jews of Color. It is for this reason that Bechol Lashon (a Jewish organization that advocates for Jews of Color) uses the term diverse Jews and not Jews of Color.

Being imperfect, surveys may underestimate Jews of Color. Some observers believe that this sub-population is relatively invisible to many members of the Jewish community as well as to researchers. Part of the reason for this invisibility may be due to Jews of Color being less likely to participate in the formal Jewish community. On the other hand, Jews of Color may be more likely to participate in surveys because they want to make certain that Jews of Color are not underestimated.

Some signs of recognition of this diversity and the need to be inclusive are evident in the American Jewish community. This subject is also highlighted by the existence of at least four national Jewish organizations devoted to advancing Jewish diversity: the Jewish Multiracial Network, the Jews of Color Field Building Initiative, Jews in All Hues, and Bechol Lashon. The Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism has also examined the subject, and this subject has received much attention in the Jewish median in recent years.

We agree that significant diversity exists in some communities. The 2014 Miami Jewish community study shows significant diversity: 33% of adults in Jewish households are foreign born and 3% of adults in Jewish households are from the former Soviet Union. Fifteen percent of Jewish adults are Hispanic, 9% are Israelis, and 17% are Sephardic Jews. (These groups are not mutually exclusive.) Recognizing the ethnic and racial diversity of the Miami Jewish population, the Federation has hired an inclusion specialist. In addition, the Miami Federations Board of Directors recently approved a Diversity and Inclusion Statement to make an affirmative expression of its commitment to an inclusive and diverse community, one in which all are welcome. Even among Hispanic Jews, significant diversity exists: 24% of Hispanic Jewish adults come from Cuba; 18%, from Argentina; 16%, from Venezuela; 14%, from Colombia; 6%, from Peru; and 40%, from other places in South and Middle America.

Our conclusions are that the percentage of Jews of Color is almost certainly closer to 6% nationally than to at least 12%15%; and this percentage has not increased significantly since 1990, although it is likely to do so in the future. Thus, responsible planning by the American Jewish community demands recognition that not all Jews are of Eastern Europe and Ashkenazi origin; and future research on American Jews needs to be sensitive to discerning Jews of Color.

Ira M. Sheskin is a professor of geography at the University of Miami. Arnold Dashefsky is a professor of sociology at the University of Connecticut. They are the editors of the American Jewish Year Book, from which this essay is adapted.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward.

How many Jews of color are there? Fewer than you think.

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How many Jews of color are there? Fewer than you think. - Forward

Playing along with Netanyahu’s annexation fantasy, Gantz is rebranding apartheid – Haaretz

Posted By on May 21, 2020

There isnt much left to be said about the political demise of Kahol Lavan Chairman Benny Gantz, who makes sure to attach the title alternate prime minister to his press releases. A kind of spell to protect him from the future. He and Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi committed many sins during their political journey: They betrayed their electorate, they lent a hand to the crushing of the Knessets power, and in the name of the emergency situation, they joined a disgraceful inflated government. But their main and most despicable sin remains the legitimacy they granted to the dangerous delusion of annexing the territories.

Peace was and remains an important Zionist desire, said Gantz recently. We will work to promote Trumps peace plan with everything it includes. They say that the late Ariel Sharon laughed out loud when he heard the election slogan they composed for him: I have confidence in Sharons peace. Not since then has the word peace been as distorted.

Bibi swears in his colossal coalition and readies for a courtroom showdown Haaretz

Ashkenazi also explained that Trumps plan would be advanced responsibly, while preserving Israels peace agreements and strategic interests. Those are nice, hope-inspiring words, which would have us believe that what we are witnessing is not a blind rush to an apartheid state, but an orderly step, which is explained in detail in a mega-plan, which was created by the finest minds. The only problem is that the plan itself is nowhere to be found.

Gantz and Ashkenazi are former chiefs of staff and are familiar with the warnings about the collapse of the peace treaty with Jordan and an undermining of that countrys stability. They heard the discussions in the European Union about imposing sanctions against Israel and they are aware of the potential of escalation. They know that annexation is nothing more than new branding for an apartheid regime and unilateral withdrawal, and that Israel is risking turning the Palestinian enclaves into areas of escalation, which will make Gaza pale in comparison.

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What is the plan in case of a renewed conflagration in the territories to capture the Palestinian Authority? To impose a closure on every Bantustan, in a return to the model that failed so badly in Gaza? There are over one million newly unemployed people here, whom the government created with its own hands, and for whom it is now refusing to take responsibility. As though its not enough that the government spit in their faces by burning their tax money on a Ministry for Higher Education and Water Resources. Now theyre also promising to waste billions of shekels on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahus messianic delusions.

The Defense Ministry is already demanding billions as preparation of the consequences of the annexation. Where will the money come from? God knows. And what will happen if the EU, Israels principal trade partner, keeps it promise of new sanctions? God knows. Money is not their responsibility. Leave it to the bureaucrats.

This government sends Ambassador Ron Dermer to get a green light for annexation from the White House, for fear that U.S. President Donald Trump may lose the presidential election. This performance makes it possible to turn the annexation into a folk tale. All you have to do is convince the local nobleman. There is no budgetary cost, there are no security risks, no diplomatic price. A government that is presuming to redraw Israels borders, whose only plan is Everything will be okay.

Gantz and Ashkenazi were chiefs of staff. I only hope that at the time they didnt treat the lives deposited into their hands with the same negligence that they are now demonstrating with regard to annexation of the territories. Even if they hope to kill the annexation with kindness, the whitewashing services that they are providing are serving this delusion.

Do you want to kill the annexation with kindness? Demand a thorough discussion of its consequences. Explain what in your opinion will happen to the treaty with Jordan, what the annexation will cost, what the security dangers are. Thats the only way to kill a fantasy. To inject it with reality.

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Playing along with Netanyahu's annexation fantasy, Gantz is rebranding apartheid - Haaretz

New ‘comfort food’ and deli enter growing Bay Area Jewish food scene – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on May 21, 2020

Two new Jewish food concepts have emerged as part of the pivot that food businesses have had to make during the coronavirus pandemic: Schmaltz in San Francisco and the Marvelous Matzah Experiment in Sunnyvale. Both are welcome additions to the Bay Areas Jewish takeout and delivery scene.

Schmaltz, which launched on May 12, is a creation of Beth Needelmans, who until recently was a sous chef at the San Francisco restaurant Corridor. Schmaltz is one of three food concepts (plus a fourth for cocktails) developed within an incubator hosted by the Hi Neighbor restaurant group, intended to help the chefs continue working.

Though she was French-trained at the Culinary Institute of America, Needelman said she was told to cook with your heart and cook what you love.

I love introducing people to my culture and giving Jewish food more exposure to people who might not be as familiar with it, said Needelman, who grew up part of a tight-knit family in Poughkeepsie, N.Y.

She calls Schmaltz elevated Jewish comfort food with a modern American twist.

The menu features soups, salads, bowls, sandwiches and entres that are reflective of Needelmans Ashkenazi heritage, with some Israeli influences. Food delivery can be ordered online at GrubHub and Caviar or called in for pickup.

The opening menu includes kreplach; a knish; schmears such as beet hummus, dill and harissa labneh with zaatar pita chips; Reuben-flavored meatballs; a shwarma cauliflower bowl; a chicken schnitzel sandwich with sauerkraut and schmaltz aioli; and a chicken sandwich on potato latkes.

This food is something we recognize and enjoy from our upbringing, and it brings us joy to share it with others, she said. Jews are saying Were here, were proud, and this is what we have to offer.

The Marvelous Matzah Experiment (a play on The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel) is a project dreamed up by Jeffrey Weinberg, whose JW Catering in Sunnyvale has long catered seders, bnai mitzvahs and tech company events. With celebrations canceled during the pandemic, Weinberg has continued doing boxed meals. Now hes pivoted to something hed already been thinking about: Jewish deli.

Back in January, I was complaining to my chef and [general manager] that I was tired of calling Katzs Deli for my fix of pastrami. I have my bubbes and my mothers recipes, and its not like we dont know how to cook. Then things started canceling, and we began playing with my recipes.

The offerings started with pastrami, corned beef and half-sour garlic pickles, and then the team branched out to matzah ball soup, challah French toast (with challah from Wise Sons he wants to give credit where its due) and grilled cheese sandwiches, then mac n cheese with crispy bits the edges of the pastrami and corned beef and his mothers brisket recipe, or Mitzis Brisket. They are brining, curing and smoking all of the meat, including smoked turkey breast.

Pickup and delivery orders are available in the South Bay through DoorDash and GrubHub, and occasionally in the East Bay, where Weinbergs mother lives.

The family moved to Moraga when Weinberg was 12, and he had his bar mitzvah at Temple Isaiah in Lafayette. His mother is in Walnut Creek and has been promoting his new venture by telling all of her friends. Customers can call or order through his website.

Its funny how my original idea pre-pandemic was do corned beef, pastrami and pickles, just a few items to provide to tech companies, he said. Now that companies arent working in their offices, weve expanded our reach.

Though this endeavor was born out of the moment he started it on March 12 the happy clientele has ensured that the deli items wont disappear when the virus does, Weinberg said. The room where people used to do tastings for his catering company is now where people come to pick up their orders. He is thinking about doing deli pop-ups farther north, in Palo Alto and places where theres more Jewish community. And then, who knows.

The food is being enjoyed and the concept is being embraced, he said.

Sunnyvale Mayor Larry Klein stopped by his storefront to get takeout recently, and posted on Facebook that the matzah ball soup the chicken bones are slow-cooked for eight hours is fantastic.

This has definitely been a happy accident, Weinberg said of the shift to deli. Hopefully out of the pandemic comes growth, happiness and maybe matzah ball soup to save the world.

Schmaltz is at 100 Van Ness Ave. (pickup on the Fell Street side), S.F. (415) 834-5684 or incubatorseries.square.site/schmaltz. Available to order through Grubhub and Caviar.

JW Catering is at 649 S. Bernardo Ave., Sunnyvale. (408) 568-0658 or jwcatering.com/marvelous-matzah-experiment

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New 'comfort food' and deli enter growing Bay Area Jewish food scene - The Jewish News of Northern California

Foreign minister hails 30 years of Greek-Israeli diplomatic relations | Kathimerini – www.ekathimerini.com

Posted By on May 21, 2020

Greece and Israel have achieved much more than we perhaps would have expected ourselves in the 30 years of diplomatic relations, Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias said in a statement issued on Thursday to mark the occasion.

It is a small miracle. Today, what unite us are so many things, that I am convinced this relationship of friendship and cooperation will move forward with leaps and bounds in the near and distant future, he said.

Through this multifaceted relationship, we also set the example that cooperation is the only way to security, stability and prosperity in our region.

Bilateral cooperation extends to science, culture, trade, innovation, energy, tourism, security and defense, and continues to grow in new fields, he said, adding that Athens remains firmly committed to strengthening relations between the European Union and Israel.

Dendias also noted the tripartite cooperation with Cyprus in the Eastern Mediterranean and the importance of the EastMed pipeline project which is open to third countries, based, of course, on respect for international law and good neighborly relations.

Bilateral cooperation also extends to the fight against anti-semitism. As Greeks, we consider it our duty to keep the memory of the Holocaust alive, he said and pointed to the construction of the Holocaust Museum in Thessaloniki.

The minister said he looks forward to meeting his newly-appointed Israeli counterpart Gabi Ashkenazi.

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Foreign minister hails 30 years of Greek-Israeli diplomatic relations | Kathimerini - http://www.ekathimerini.com

Twenty years out of Lebanon: The war with no name that would never end – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on May 21, 2020

It was 3 a.m., May 24, 2000. You could hear the distinct rattle of the tanks treads approaching in the bible-black night. The earth rumbled. Soldiers swung open the heavy iron Fatima Gate, through which so many thousands of Israeli troops have poured into Lebanon over the past two decades. And suddenly history was being made as the armored column rolled into view and the last of the Israeli soldiers left Lebanon. They gazed down from their monstrous battle taxis, unshaven and covered in dust from the wildest night ride of their lives, and didnt even try to hold back their elation. Once through the breech, many shouted, even yelped for joy. Some swapped high-fives, others hugged. One group unfurled the Israeli flag and smiled for the hoard of photographers.There was no evidence of the feared humiliation of exiting the security zone with their tails between their legs. Only relief that the IDF had managed to stage this complicated retreat under fire without even one soldier getting so much as a scratch. I cried the whole way because I was so moved by the situation. Every one of us looked death in the eyes and none of us wanted to die. I never told my parents about it, so they wouldnt worry, said St.-Sgt. Gilad Hadad. I wrote this that night, and now looking at the battered reporters notebooks 20 years later, after burying in my mind all those days and nights and countless stories written during the decades of Israels war in Lebanon its all coming back. And not just for me but for many Israeli men, particularly those in their 40s and 50s who lived it (see box).The IDF presence in Lebanon had become such a given in the national conscience over the 1980s and 90s that likely none of the soldiers withdrawing that night ever envisioned that when they were drafted a year and a half, two years before that, theyd shut the door on one of the most divisive chapters of Israels history. In the summer of 1982, I was a 21-year-old soldier in an NCO course and was dispatched to Beirut where we mopped up the southern neighborhoods. After Christian leader and president-elect Bashir Gemayel was assassinated, our brigade led the charge into West Beirut, taking over one of the PLO headquarters as the Jewish state completely conquered the capital of an Arab state.THE WRITER, clad in helmet and flak vest, at the Egel Gate gets ready to embark on a visit to the security zone in 1998 (Photo Credit: Courtesy)Eventually, I became a journalist, and the IDF withdrew to the south in 1985 and set up a security zone to prevent the PLO and later the Shiite Hezbollah from attacking Israel. It established a 2,500-strong militia called the South Lebanon Army as proxies, arming them and setting them up in outposts.But in a march of follies, the SLA couldnt or wouldnt do the job, and the IDF launched periodic operations against the Palestinians and Hezbollah Operations Accountability, Grapes of Wrath. The IDF eventually set up a dozen outposts in the security zone, whose names would be etched in IDF lore: Rehan, Aishiya, Dlaat, Beaufort, Karkom, Rotem and more. It created the Egoz unit to wage a tough battle of ambushes against a well-respected, growing, Iranian-backed Hezbollah army. Like the War of Attrition, this conflict settled in Israeli consciousness, and the public was reminded of it and the battles only when the IDF lost and casualties mounted, or when Katyushas were fired. In late 1996 I spent some time with Golani soldiers at the infamous outpost at Beaufort, a well-preserved Crusader castle overlooking the Litani River. A young lieutenant, Alon Babayan, looked out at his platoon and warned the soldiers to keep their helmets on. Every mother of these guys is expecting me to return their son healthy and in one piece. The responsibility is heavy. Just thinking about is hard. But we want to kill terrorists. Thats our job and thats why we are here. We came here to kill, the 21-year-old platoon commander said. This, like other outposts, was placed on a highly visible peak to serve as a deterrent. But by this time the hilltop bunkers and trenches were nothing more than targets. Even to go to the toilet, soldiers had to don their flak vests and helmets. It was a place where every hour outside, a man found himself confined in body armor. You cant know what its like, man. At any moment a [mortar] round can hit this outpost. You can go crazy, said Raanan Hartman, a bespectacled 20-year-old radio operator who spent many months on the front.If we werent here, then we would be in Kiryat Shmona and Hezbollah would be hitting civilians. There is nothing imperialistic about our presence here, asserted Sgt. Gil Sharabi.The IDF invested hundreds of millions of shekels fortifying the outposts. All barracks, dining rooms, kitchens, showers and latrines were buried under concrete and iron. The soldiers were chomping at the bit. But Hezbollah didnt fight fair. Adopting classic guerrilla tactics, Hezbollah located the IDF weak points they were the supply convoys, the umbilical cords to the combat troops. Just one foot across the border and you were deep inside Lebanon. Half the casualties in Lebanon were from roadside charges while patrolling or moving in convoys. The IDF paved alternative, less exposed routes across the security zone. Bulldozers cleared away all large boulders 20 meters from the sides of roads and set up cement walls at sensitive sites to block Sagger missiles. Between the walls, drivers simply sped up. Every time a convoy moved, it required a military operation of minute detail. Soldiers were sent from their outposts to guard suspected ambush sites. The 20-kilometer ride to Beaufort Castle became a 50-minute roller coaster. Every civilian was suspected of being a Hezbollah gunman, every car a potential suicide bomb. Just after this, in early 1997, the IDF decided to start ferrying in troops by helicopter, a move that proved to be devastatingly tragic. On February 4 of that year, two transport helicopters collided above Shear Yashuv, killing 73 servicemen aboard.As a military reporter I got the news early, and as the young soldier in the IDF Spokesmans Unit read out the names to me, I checked off nine Golani soldiers Id recently interviewed in Beaufort, including the young lieutenant Babayan.I collected the photos Id taken of him and his troops and paid a shiva call to the family in Jerusalem. I told them how sorry I was for his death, and shared with them the article I wrote, how Id made him and his soldiers heroes.Over 112 soldiers died in 1997. In the fall of 1998 the IDF suffered a wave of defeats, as Hezbollah found a chink in its armor, and a squad of the IDFs top commandos were wiped out. When Shaul Mofaz took over as chief of staff that year, the tactics changed. Because of casualties and Israels increasing hypersensitivity to casualties, he admitted to military reporters that he ordered reduced initiated actions, a euphemism for going out and hunting down Hezbollah gunmen, and instead increasing use of warplanes and high technologies. If I can kill the terrorists from afar, or if I know how to do it by other methods without endangering soldiers, then I should do it, Mofaz said. Dont judge the amount, but the results. The results were that the IDF had been able to extract a heavier toll from Hezbollah, about 45 terrorists a year. But the IDF also knew that without proving its might from time to time, it could turn into a paper tiger in the eyes of the enemy.THE GOOD Fence crossing, Metulla, May 23, 2000. (Photo Credit: Courtesy)ONE NIGHT, in February 1999, I got a beep about 2 a.m. to inform me that three officers, including the head of a paratrooper reconnaissance unit, had been killed in a firefight with Hezbollah guerrillas up in Lebanon. By 5:30 a.m. I was on the road, headed north.It was to be one of those days where you keep coming to forks and have to make decisions. It started with the decision to leave home or not. I decided to head to Tel Aviv. Once there I had to decide whether to head north.The army hadnt decided if there would be a press conference, but I could see that with three officers dead and not one dead Hezbollah gunman to account for, the army had a lot of explaining to do.I couldnt catch a ride since the other military reporters, who formed a small community then, lived north of Tel Aviv and were just then leaving. So I caught a taxi to meet a bus. The bus was filled with soldiers heading to the North, Golan, Lebanon.I was one of the few people in the country who knew what was happening in Lebanon, because the military censor had prevented the reporting of it until the families were notified. I spoke to a young lieutenant who was headed back up to his platoon in Lebanon and told him. He was devastated. Unlike in Vietnam, I imagine, officers here are respected, followed and revered.I got to the town of Rosh Pina and hitched a ride up to Safed, where the Northern Command was located, and walked into the wooden shack just before the briefing started.Ilan Roeh, the jovial, heavyset Israel Radio reporter for the north, was clowning around as he moved the flags back and forth over the podium.Afterward I hung around the headquarters, chatting to the officers there, and tried to find out more about the clash. I chatted for a while with a young brigadier-general named Erez Gerstein, the commander of the IDF liaison unit to south Lebanon a sort of Lawrence of Arabia to the SLA. (He had a hell of a job training that ragtag militia made up of Christians, Druze and Shiites. Dont judge them by Israeli standards, hed say. Compare them to the other Lebanese militias.)I was surprised at his light attitude. I expected depression. He told me and a couple of other military reporters that in Lebanon its the luck of the draw. Whoever fires first usually wins. These paratroopers simply stepped on the equally surprised Hezbollah gunmen. The fact that they got away was the main screwup. The Hezbollah gunmen turned up in Sidon later that day not only alive, but with an IDF-issue M-16 and even a bloodied uniform and radio they took from the officers. It was a real insult to the IDF.A WEEK later I got a phone call: thered been an explosion in Lebanon. There were wounded. I called the Northern Command, and the speaker could only tell me: Its bad, but I cant say anything else.I called the special spokesmans unit for military reporters in Tel Aviv, and was told that four people had been killed. It looks like Ilan Roeh was one of those killed, one of the soldiers said. My heart jumped. A reporter? Killed? Ilan? It could just as easily have been me on one of my journeys to Lebanon. And then I heard another casualty was Gerstein. I couldnt believe it. What a blow by Hezbollah. What a loss for us. The army seemed to be in a mess. Obviously, I had to go to wherever there was going to be news. The army couldnt say if or when there was going to be a briefing. Its still going on, Arieh was all I could get.I had to think. The IDF couldnt sit quietly by as its generals were killed. It was bound to react. Any reaction would draw Katyusha rocket retaliation. It could get nasty. It was Purim. A colleague called and told me he was heading north.I made a plane reservation and flew from Tel Aviv to the small airfield in Rosh Pina. Joining up with Alan Ben-Ami, the military reporter for Israel Radios English news, we grabbed a taxi and sped up the mountain road to Safed. I called ahead and told them to hold the generals briefing until we got there.There were so many questions. Did Hezbollah target Gerstein? Did his fearless, swaggering, nothing-can-hurt-me recklessness kill him? What about Roeh? He should be there asking the questions as he always was.The army made us military reporters sign a waiver every time we crossed the border into that killing zone, so they would not be responsible for any harm that might come to us. Roeh did that afternoon, but when tragedy struck, the army did the right thing and posthumously drafted him as a reservist, and he was honored with a military funeral.It was clear that the army couldnt let this incident pass quietly, but it was caught in a double bind. If it lashed out at Hezbollah, attacked its leadership in Beirut or in any way struck at civilians, then Hezbollah would start lobbing Katyusha rockets into Israel.Maj. Oliver Rafowitz, IDF media liaison of the Northern Command, a Frenchman who was the only son of a Holocaust survivor, told us to stick around. Things are bound to heat up. We hitched a ride to Kiryat Shmona, listening to Israels leaders on the radio saying that Israel was going to strike back. As we approached the Galilee Panhandle, the cars heading south started to increase and became a constant flow of fleeing residents. The rest were headed to shelters.We decided to head up to Metulla and checked into the old familiar Arazim Hotel, where journalists used to gather during crises. CNN had arrived, and the foreign reporters, too. It looked like war was brewing. I filed my story only half an hour before we closed the paper.On the way to my room, I asked the manager where the bomb shelter was.Really?! Its down there, but you wont be going there, he said.He told me to leave the tap running for a bit for the hot water to run. I gave up after 15 minutes and went to bed. It was quite a night. The Israeli Air Force ended up surgically destroying a number of empty cement buildings across Lebanon, claiming they were Hezbollah headquarters. No civilians were killed and by Lebanese accounts, no guerrillas were killed either, and the night passed without Katyushas. I got up at the crack of dawn because most Katyusha attacks happen then. Nothing. Quiet.By morning the whole gang was there, eating olives and cheese and drinking cups of coffee like in the good old days of Operation Grapes of Wrath and Operation Accountability. The people of the entire northern border region were still ordered to remain in their shelters. By noon I realized that the war was over. SLA FIRE 120mm mortars at Hezbollah targets, SLA outpost Tel Nahas, September 1999 (Photo Credit: Courtesy)BUT THE incessant guerrilla warfare against Hezbollah was taking a toll on the IDF, and soldiers found themselves for the first time openly saying the IDF should quit the security zone because they dont want to be the last to die. Ehud Barak was elected prime minister after running on a campaign promise to finally withdraw the IDF from south Lebanon by the summer of 2000. It was getting harder and harder to interview troops in Lebanon. The IDF steadily refused. Yediot Aharonot and Maariv began splashing large headlines quoting soldiers saying they were scared and that they no longer had any reason to be in Lebanon, and quoting commanders deriding them as sissies.In what may become for historians a memorable point in the IDFs Lebanon dilemma, OC Northern Command Gabi Ashkenazi was widely quoted as calling soldiers who voiced these fears rags and crybabies.Israeli soldiers could hardly be characterized as ruthless or brutal, but were they sissies? What did the army expect, since it treated soldiers like children?For dinner dessert, soldiers were given krembos. If these were just any normal worldly grunts, the soldiers would have thrown them back and demanded whiskey or beer or dames. But not Israeli soldiers. In Lebanon, soldiers set out into the bush with an ambush mattress so they were comfortable when they lay in pursuit of Hezbollah guerrillas. Their pouches were filled with power food, they had heated underwear and the best radio and night vision equipment money could buy. Field commanders in Lebanon said there had been an upsurge in appeals by parents not to take their sons to Lebanon. Those whose sons who were already there were asking for them to be returned, and those whose sons were about to go up were asking that they not be taken. They reportedly used excuses, personal problems and illnesses. What am I to do when a mother threatens to self-immolate? I am in a bind, one officer told me.The grassroots group Four Mothers began gaining momentum, and its pressure was having an effect.SINCE THE IDF wasnt allowing reporters into the security zone, I took advantage of an offer to join then-deputy defense minister Ephraim Sneh in south Lebanon. We flew north in an old, rusty chopper from the Yom Kippur era. Cruising low, about 230 meters, we landed at the provisional IDF headquarters in Marjayoun and packed into armored Mercedes cars for a short ride from the chopper pad to the base. The old fortress was the French equivalent to the Tegart forts the British built across Israel.We dont allow any SLA guys in here, said a general. The IDF was becoming increasingly wary of its south Lebanese allies. Inside, Sneh met with SLA commander Gen. Antoine Lahad, a frail 72-year-old man who spoke little English. There had been a lot of talk about us pulling out of Lebanon unilaterally, and that would basically leave our SLA allies to the dogs. We soon headed out toward an IDF outpost. I popped open the trunk of our Mercedes and pulled out a flak vest and helmet, and off we went. Didnt Ilan Roeh wear one of these? I asked, knowing full well that it didnt help my Israel Radio colleague when the roadside bomb blew his Mercedes to tiny bits. After a nerve-wracking ride in south Lebanon, we made it finally to the outpost of Shani. A young Ethiopian lieutenant briefed Sneh, a former brigadier-general, in the trenches, and I looked out to the ridges across the Litani gorge, spotting the outposts of Sujud, Rehan and Aishiya.Mortar shells fired by Hezbollah guerrillas were dropping onto the IDF and SLA outposts, puffing in explosions as they hit and sending pillars of smoke spiraling to the sky. Be we couldnt hear the explosions. They were so close, yet so far away. Israeli warplanes hit back, turning the horizon into a gouache of fire and smoke. War and a front-seat view. It was almost pornographic.We then made our way to the SLA outpost of Tel Nahas, where the deputy defense minister assured the officers that Israel had no intention of withdrawing unilaterally. We have a moral responsibility here, Sneh said in Arabic. The SLA are our allies, our brothers in arms, and we cant let you down. We arent going to turn anyone into refugees. We didnt fight together for 23 years to get up and abandon you here.In January 2000 Hezbollah succeeded in killing Col. Akel Hashem, the unofficial deputy commander of the SLA. Hezbollah will get their just deserts sooner or later, Sneh announced. They wont go without punishment.But the IDF kept its response proportionate, and instead of destroying bridges and plunging Beirut into darkness with a massive air assault, as it did following Hezbollah Katyusha attacks the previous summer, this time airstrikes hit just three Hezbollah targets.The IDF was being severely restrained by the near-zero casualty tolerance of the Israeli public. Its whole doctrine in south Lebanon was based on preventing casualties. But with Hashems death and Israels declared intention to quit Lebanon by the summer, soldiers in the SLA sensed they were about to be abandoned. The IDF was getting out in July. It was to be a withdrawal to the recognized border based on UN Security Council Resolution 425. That was the official version. It was being meticulously planned. The operation was dubbed Orech Ruah (Stamina). The army began diluting its positions, so by May soldiers were down to eating battle rations and living out of a small bag.Dont worry, Ashkenazi told us military reporters. When we pull out of Lebanon, you will be with the last of the soldiers in the outposts. Relations between the IDF and military reporters were tense. The army refused to let any of us into the security zone. Matters had come to a head in what was supposed to be an off-the-record briefing with Ashkenazi. The gruff, Golani-bred general was not known to like journalists at best, and in this case ended up in a shouting match with some of us over just this matter. Ashkenazi had been critical of then-Channel 1 reporter Alon Ben-David for speculating in a broadcast that the IDF was about to pull out of its outpost at Rehan. After the broadcast, Hezbollah began to heavily shell the position and a number of soldiers were wounded. But in the third week of May, Shiite villagers and Hezbollah gunmen armed mainly with cameras and flags preempted the IDF and converged on the SLA outpost of Taybeh. The SLA militiamen, mostly Shiites, fled and set into motion the disintegration of the security zone.Chaos was starting to appear. The IDF beefed up its forces along the border.At this stage, we are adjusting our deployment to the reality on the ground, Ashkenazi said. There is not a decision for getting out, and when it is made, we will be found ready.Still, while not purely lying to the press, the senior command as well as prime minister Ehud Barak were telling reporters that a withdrawal would take time. June 1 was mentioned. Barak was rebuffing pressure from the IDF echelon to move it forward, even though preparations along the international border were not yet ready. I was summoned to a briefing of military analysts with IDF chief of staff Lt.-Gen. Shaul Mofaz in the Kirya military headquarters in Tel Aviv on Monday, May 22, and he told us it could take at least a week to get the soldiers out. It turned out that the orders had already been given to be out by dawn Wednesday. We military reporters started feeling like pawns in a disinformation campaign. Despite the swift and total collapse of the SLAs 70th battalion, the IDF still had faith in the remaining regiments, which were made up of Christians and Druze. But like in most wars, the end came like lightning. Tuesday, May 23, I was back up in Metulla hanging out at the Fatima Gate, trying to get a story. Crowds of people started to flood into the village of Kela on the Lebanese side of the border.Putting on Ray-Ban sunglasses and tucking my polo shirt into my trousers to look like a Shin Bet agent, I slipped across the border and stepped into a human tragedy streams of refugees fleeing in fear of their lives, carrying battered suitcases filled with clothes, photos and anything else they could grab at short notice. An Israeli man had also sneaked across the border and was handing out bags of Bamba and Bisli to the children. Sweat trickled down the face and neck of Capt. Suleiman Nahak and slid over the gold cross dangling from a chain. He was clutching two bags of his worldly possessions, as he moved with his wife and two daughters toward a bus that would take them away from his homeland, perhaps forever, to Israel, where they would have to build new lives. A stream of automatic gunshots rang out not 200 meters away, and the hundreds of panicking refugees shrieked: Hezbollah! Hezbollah! They pressed against Israeli soldiers and riot police in full regalia, who were brought in to keep order, as troops ran off in the direction of the shooting.I am not afraid to fight, said the 36-year-old SLA officer. But I have my family to worry about. I leave my home. I dont think Ill ever return. With Hezbollah we cannot live. They make peace with no one, not with Jews, not with us. Everybody is fleeing. They are bad people. While most were Christian, Nahak said there were also Muslim and Druze militiamen fleeing as well, many with the ubiquitous Mercedes vehicles. The sun was casting its rays over the Rimal ridge, silhouetting the Beaufort Castle and the IDF outposts guarding the Litani gorge. IAF helicopter gunships hovered overhead, as IDF artillery near Metulla fired suppression rounds to keep the Hezbollah guerrillas at bay for as long as possible. The refugees were streaming in from the towns and villages, such as Ain Iblin and Remshe, which were being taken over by Hezbollah. Just as they were coming over, the IDF called on all residents in the North to return to their bomb shelters in anticipation of a Hezbollah rocket attack. Two rockets slammed into the countryside near Biranit. Ironically, it was also Lag Baomer, and tens of thousands of Israelis, mostly haredim, were converging on the grave of Shimon Bar Yochai at the foot of Mount Meron to celebrate. Police were desperately trying to unravel horrific traffic jams as throngs of people headed toward the mountain, seemingly oblivious to the war taking place just 20 minutes up the road. My driving thought was to get this story in before the paper went to bed. By nightfall, we understood that the end was near, very near. Military reporters, all with sheepish grins on their faces and anguished that we were not riding back with the troops, gathered at the Egel Gate adjacent to Metulla to see the convoys return. AN IDF radio reporter interviews a squad of Golani soldiers, Beaufort, November 1996 (Photo Credit: Courtesy)THE PULLOUT began at 8 p.m., Tuesday, May 23, for the Golani and Armored Corps soldiers at Rehan, the deepest IDF stronghold. About 19 kilometers north of Metulla, the outpost had been one of the most attacked positions, and suffered a number of casualties the week before from incessant Hezbollah mortar attacks. We blew it up, said Sharon Shetubi, 20, of Ramle. The flash was amazing, lit up the whole sky.Rehan and the rest of the dozen IDF outposts were destroyed by IDF sappers, to prevent them from being used by Hezbollah guerrillas.Nothing was left. For three months it was my home. I know this sounds weird, but Ill miss it. Im ready to return there right now, said Avichai Cohen of Maaleh Levona. The IDF planned for a withdrawal under fire, and indeed Hezbollah came through, dropping shells throughout the night. There was also the fear that Hezbollah guerrillas would try to ambush the convoys as they made their way back to Israel. The convoy from Rehan set out but only inched along, as commanders made sure not to expose their flank. At one point, one of the Nakpadons, a mean-looking, homemade armored personnel carrier designed for the Lebanon conflict, flayed out one of its treads, and that took precious time to fix. A tank fired at suspicious movement. They continued.We passed Aishiya and they blew it up. We passed Dlaat and saw that being blown up, too. The explosion from Beaufort was something else, said Guy Segel, 20, from Hayogev.He had spent four months operating a Merkava tank at Rehan. Just before they were to end their tour, the army told his platoon they would remain for the duration.They said we would stay there till we pulled out of Lebanon. That was three months ago, said Segel, dressed in his Dacron tankers suit. Im glad its finally over. Convoys set out during the night from the other outposts, as warplanes swooped down and delivered the death knells to the vacated IDF and SLA positions. Some posts burned, bathing the night horizon in an orange glow. Throughout the withdrawal, IDF artillery kept up a steady but light barrage at suspected Hezbollah mortar emplacements. In the distance, another convoy of Artillery Corps soldiers from the Shareife outpost crossed into the country and flicked on their headlights as they passed in through a different gate.Once in the country, the soldiers made the de rigueur phone calls to the folks.Thats it. Its over, Dad. Were back in the country, said St.-Sgt. Moshe Shuni from Shaarei Tikva. Even at 3:30 a.m., no parent was likely upset to hear this from his or her son in Lebanon. Will I miss it? Ill miss the episodes with my mates, but not Lebanon, Shuni said. One soldier from the Golani 13th Battalion said they were careful not to take any needless actions in the end, because no one wanted to be the last soldier killed in Lebanon.Ill miss the days in Lebanon. There is nothing like it. You learn how to be a soldier there. You go through a lot there. There is where a soldier can test himself. There is where friendship is measured, said the soldier, who refused to give his name but still had the number 26 written on his hand, as each convoy numbered its soldiers.At about a quarter to seven on the morning of May 24, Brig.-Gen. Benny Gantz locked the Fatima Gate and suddenly became unemployed. As commander of the IDF liaison unit responsible for the eastern sector of the security zone and the SLA, Gantz was given the symbolic honor, captured by photographers and transmitted around the world.Im happy it was carried out without one injury. We were really anxious about this, said Gantz. Ive been in and out of Lebanon since the [1978] Litani invasion. It was a very strange feeling now. I guess Im unemployed, said Gantz, who would go on to become IDF chief of staff and then, maybe, prime minister.I hung around for a press conference with the IDF brass, who tried to paint the retreat as a victory because not one IDF soldier had been hurt. But back in the Arazim Hotel in Metulla a man sat collapsed on a couch, a shadow of himself. He was broken, chain-smoking in the corner. A general without an army.AN EGOZ commando in camouflage at the Lebanon border, 1998 (Photo Credit: Courtesy)As Hezbollah guerrillas were ransacking his villa a few hills away, Lahad, commander of the now defunct SLA, was full of bitterness toward Israel for its total and complete withdrawal from the security zone. The manner in which the retreat was carried out was unfair and unreasonable. The IDF was humiliated because it retreated so fast, and it gave Hezbollah a victory it never even dreamed of, Lahad said in his characteristic hoarse whisper.For over 24 years we were together, and you decided within 24 hours to change direction. What do you want us to do now? Go with Hezbollah? Please, their flags are flying from the fence, Lahad said. Israel destroyed in 24 hours relations that were built over 24 years. We worked hand in hand, but suddenly Israel pulled back its hand and shook us off.But for Israelis, the withdrawal gave us something strange, even a little scary, something we hadnt encountered in years: a border. A demarcation, an end we hoped. We go only this far; and from there on, its them. And thats a fact. The writer was the defense correspondent for The Jerusalem Post from 19962006.

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Twenty years out of Lebanon: The war with no name that would never end - The Jerusalem Post

To accurately count Jews of color, we need to challenge our assumptions – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on May 21, 2020

Two summers ago, I published anacademic book about blacks and Jewsthat did not include a single black Jew in the narrative. Ilana Kaufman, founder and president of the Jews of Color Field Building Initiative, encouraged me to open my eyes to my own implicit assumptions about Jews, race, power and privilege.

Specifically, she asked me to walk through each chapter of the book and rethink its thesis through the eyes of a black Jew. Instead of viewing history through the lens of defining Americanism (i.e. what makes us Jewish vs. what makes us American), she suggested viewing those same historical events through a racial lens.

When I took her advice, the very foundations of my argument gave way to a much more complex, nuanced and accurate analysis of American Jews and race relations.

Fortunately, I was able to add an epilogue that acknowledged the absence of black Jews in my book and the need for new academic work, and have joined Kaufman in a series of talks that engage with these questions. But my colleagues in the field and I have a lot of work ahead of us if we hope to accurately tell the story of diverse Jews.

In a recent article excerpted from a forthcoming chapter in the next American Jewish Year Book, scholars Ira Sheskin and Arnold Dashefsky took issue with a May 2019 demographic report that concluded at least 12-15 percent of the nations Jews identify as Jews of color broadly, anyone who identified as non-white. Instead, Sheskin and Dashefsky argue, the number stands closer to 6 percent.

Reading the article, I winced, reflecting on my own continual learning as a scholar of Jews and race. In both content and context, the article typified the very problems it seeks to redress: the erasure of Jews of color in American Jewish life.

When Kaufman challenged my racial assumptions about Jews, I also initially responded with data rather than empathy and deep understanding. Black Jews represented a microscopic number of Jews in the civil rights era, I reasoned. Therefore, minimizing them, making them invisible to play on the title of Ralph Ellisons famed 1952 novel, made perfect academic sense.

Sheskin and Dashefskys analysis cuts the number of Jews of color in half, taking the 6 percent figure from the 2013 Pew A Portrait of Jewish Americans study and citing local studies as supporting evidence.

In doing so, they ignore the 11.2 percent finding of the American Jewish Population Project.

And they rely in part on local studies comprised of questions that assume Jewish whiteness.

I am not surprised to read that traditional Jewish community surveys undercount, or worse did not even count, diverse Jews.

Demographic surveys value or de-value different forms of Jewish expression based upon the sorts of questions they ask. As a life-long Californian, I have long criticized surveys that ignore regionalism as a factor in Jewish identity. Questions of Jewish identity prove so complex, especially around racial diversity. Our approaches to social science need to keep up with a dynamic Jewish population.

This is precisely why we need new approaches to Jewish social science. We need new and better questions. We need the very sort of work that Stanford Universitys Ari Kelman and his team undertook as they sought a more accurate count of Jews of color last year, which Kelman further elaborated uponin response to Sheskin and Dashefsky.

While Kelman has already addressed the methodological issues at stake, I am interested in the social implications of counting and miscounting Jews of color. Numbers are more than just a way to count. They are also a way to express our values or devalue others. Through flawed questions, we dehumanize Jews of color.

The existence of even a single black Jew, for example, challenges some of our most basic assumptions of postwar American Jewish life. How do Jews who are also black fit into our narrative of black-Jewish relations?

To center Jews of color in history demands that scholars ask important new questions: What if the Jewish history of the civil rights movement reflected white racial privilege more than a manifestation oftikkun olam?How must we rewrite our entire understanding of the civil rights era, and beyond, now that we recognize the existence and experiences of Jews of color?

The decision to publish this piece in eJewishPhilanthropy also matters. As an online source dedicated to highlighting the latest happenings in the world of Jewish philanthropy, EJewishphilanthropy attracts readers interested in learning the best ways to allocate precious communal resources.

When two senior Jewish studies scholars dismiss those who claim we need to do a better job of counting diverse Jews and minimize their numbers, it can send a message: Treat philanthropy requests from Jews of color with greater skepticism they are fewer than you imagined.

The result? Jews of color, yet again, are forced to prove they are not lying about their numbers, that they are vital and that they deserve philanthropic support. To watch is to bear witness to a hierarchy of charitable giving based on race.

This is much less a critique of Sheskin and Dashefsky than it is a call for a much broader and deeper awareness of demographys racial implications. While these two scholars base their analysis on the fields most reliable surveys, statistical analysis does not exist in a social vacuum. Who we count, how we count and where we report our counting matters in an ever-more diverse American Jewish community.

Those of us in senior scholar positions, and especially those of us who enjoy the privilege of our white Ashkenazi roots, need to pause before entering this fray.

We need to open ourselves up to the possibility that our otherwise solid academic work plays out differently in the real world than we initially imagined. When we write about numbers, we are writing about people. And when our writing causes even unintended harm, we need to rethink our assumptions.

This piece was distributed by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of J. or the JTA.

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To accurately count Jews of color, we need to challenge our assumptions - The Jewish News of Northern California

Urgent tasks for Israel’s new government: Second coronavirus wave is only the beginning – Haaretz

Posted By on May 21, 2020

After almost a year and half of caretaker government, 33 new ministers came on board on Tuesday. Not all arrived with plans in hand. Most only learned which ministry theyll be leading a few days ago.

But all have their work cut out for them just reviving their institutions: the ministries have been effectively paralyzed since the dissolution of the 20th Knesset (which led to three fruitless elections, culminating in today's unity government). They couldn't make new appointments. They couldn't get funding for new projects.

It's a new day today, but the rigid coalition agreements are likely to constrain the freshly minted ministers and prevent them from forging ahead with appointments, legislation or an agenda that would peeve their peers in the rest of the government.

Yet some ministers who fielded jeers because of lame-duck portfolios cobbled together just to gratify them do mean to make important decisions in the coming days, if only in the hope that theyll finally make headlines for doing something.

At the Health Ministry: The coronavirus is still here

Brand-new Health Minister Yuli Edelstein will find his desk awash with tasks, but the coronavirus remains the most urgent. As he takes charge, the first wave of the virus seems to be ebbing, but the ramifications of the pandemic are still with us. His first mission is to take advantage of the hiatus in the virus spread in Israel to form a committee of experts to study the lessons learned from the crisis and make urgent recommendations, say within two weeks, how to prepare for what comes next: how to disseminate information better; tapping experts who had been sidelined; treating the sick the virus didnt evaporate overnight; make procurement plans; and factoring in the flu with the fight against the coronavirus this coming winter. (Ido Efrati)

At the Foreign Ministry: Reempowering the minister

Back when diplomacy still had international allure, the Foreign Ministry was considered a cherry. Now the best advice for the incoming foreign minister is to restore his status, which under Netanyahu bottomed out. The prime minister redistributed the ministrys roles and cut funding. Morale sank low.

Incoming Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi will first and foremost have to spell out to the international community and the ministry staff that he isnt there to stay in Netanyahus shadow. In recent years Netanyahu has taken over the role of foreign minister, both formally and informally, especially when it came to ties with the United States. Ashkenazis meeting last week with U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, who didnt bother meeting with Ashkenazis predecessor Yisrael Katz, was a good start in that sense.

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Meanwhile powers are still being stripped from the Foreign Ministry. As recently as Sunday, Netanyahu announced that he had upgraded Higher Education Minister Zeev Elkin by giving him responsibility to respond to action against Israel in the International Criminal Court in The Hague, which is a core function of the Foreign Ministry.

So Ashkenazis job will include taking back authority and funding from no less than 35 unrelated entities (as the state comptroller reported), first and foremost the National Security Council, which advises Netanyahu. A good start would be for Ashkenazi to ask his colleagues in the Kahol Lavan party, Strategic Affairs Minister Orit Farkash-Hacohen and Diaspora Affairs Minister Omer Yankelevich, to work together to restore those superfluous ministries to their natural status: branches of the Foreign Ministry. (Noa Landau)

At the Defense Ministry: First of all, plan

The incoming Defense Minister Benny Gantz probably has several goals for his term in office (before his rotation to prime minister comes around). The most important one should be revisiting Israels concept of national security, which has been left stagnant for years, making it hard for the army to plan with an eye to the future.

In Prime Minister Netanyahus previous terms, he had a fairly direct line to Israel Defense Forces chiefs of staff, reducing the influence of the defense minister. But now, Gantz is also deputy prime minister, and he should take advantage of this. Decisions he makes now can serve him when he becomes premier.

Also, while the defense budget will remain huge, it too will pay the price of the coronavirus. Money earmarked for big-ticket projects may have to be diverted to civilian support.(Yaniv Kubovich)

At the Finance Ministry: Getting a million people back to work

The new finance minister, Yisrael Katz, faces two chief missions: to create a national budget for 2020 Israel still doesnt have one and to get a million people back to work. The budget, always a hard nut to crack, will be a nightmare this year because 2020 may well end with Israel running a deficit of more than 10 percent of GDP.

On the bright side, the best time to drive actual reform is when theres no choice. In 1985 the Peres-Shamir unity government implemented an economic stabilization plan that worked, and led to growth that persisted for decades. It also laid the foundation for a more modern economy. But its success has to be seen in the context of the disastrous conditions preceding it: hyper-inflation, a huge deficit and massive government involvement in business. Companies belonging to the Histadrut labor union and banks were collapsing.

Things are different now. The economys underpinnings are strong. That said, Israel needs reforms that will lower the cost of living, improve the quality of public service and boost productivity. And that was before the advent of the coronavirus, which has devastated tens of thousands of businesses at the cost of hundreds of thousands of mostly lower-income jobs. Katz will have to change focus from driving the economy to reining in the debt-GDP ratio and the budget deficit.

His first decision was to cut his own salary by 10 percent, indicative of where he thinks belt-tightening is needed: in the public sector. The private sector already paid the price of the coronavirus. Now his attention should be directed at jobs for all those people who had to be let go.(Sami Peretz)

At the Justice Ministry: Prepare for annexation

Among the important tasks the new justice minister Avi Nissenkorn faces are forming a search committee for a new state prosecutor; reviving the Judicial Appointments Committee; arbitrating the dispute over civil law regulations; and advancing in the project to put the courts system online, a drive that began during the time of the coronavirus.

But if Netanyahu keeps his promise to annex parts of the West Bank, the Justice Ministry will face one of its greatest challenges in years. It faces a lot of work.

Besides applying Israeli law to these areas, the registration of land will have to be regulated; and a solution must be found for the legal status of the Palestinians in the annexed areas. That could be complicated because the High Court of Justice has already criticized the status of non-citizen residents applied to East Jerusalem Arabs. Annexation will also almost certainly lead to a probe against Israel in the International Criminal Court, which will likely become the Justice Ministrys greatest challenge. (Netael Bandel)

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Urgent tasks for Israel's new government: Second coronavirus wave is only the beginning - Haaretz

Florida Reports Anti-Semitic Incidents: Anti-Defamation League

Posted By on May 21, 2020

Image via Shutterstock The Anti-Defamation League says anti-Semitic incidents reported in 2019 spiked to the highest level in at least 40 years. Here's a look at some incidents in DC and Virginia.

FLORIDA Anti-Semitic incidents reported in 2019 spiked to the highest level in at least 40 years, with a record 2,100 acts of assault, vandalism and harassment against Jews reported across the United States, including in Florida, according to a report released last week by the Anti-Defamation League. Niney-one such incidents were reported last year in the state.

Anti-Semitic incidents increased 12 percent in 2019 from the prior year, including a 56 percent increase in the number of assaults against Jews more than half of them occurring in New York City, the report said. All U.S. states except Alaska and Hawaii reported at least one anti-Semitic incident last year.

The report speaks to the lived experience of Jewish people in the United States, Aryeh Tuchman, the associate director of the Anti-Defamation Leagues Center on Extremism, told Patch.

The 2,107 incidents of anti-Semitic incidents dont mean that every Jewish person needs to look over their shoulder all the time, Tuchman said. In terms of victims affected directly, thats a very small percentage of the population. But at the same time, because of reporting, social media and word of mouth, that can have an outside impact on the sense of security, sense of confidence and the possible fear of American Jews.

The audit includes both criminal and non-criminal acts of intimidation and harassment. In the 61 assault incidents, 95 people were harmed and five were killed. Those attacks included the 2019 shooting at Chabad of Poway in California, where one person was killed; the shooting at a kosher grocery store in New Jersey, where six people, including three Jews, were killed; and a stabbing during a Hanukkah celebration in which one person died of his injuries and several others were wounded.

The assaults also included the really concerning state of violent attacks on Jews that took place in Brooklyn at the end of the year, Tuchman said.

In general, the assaults we documented in 2019 ranged from confrontations not involving weapons pushing, punching and throwing of objects with evidence of anti-Semitic intent to the really alarming deadly use of weapons, such as guns and knives, Tuchman said.

On average, there were as many as six anti-Semitic incidents in the United States each day in 2019, the highest level of anti-Semitic activity since the Anti-Defamation League began collecting statistics in 1979.

In Florida, incidents included:

The Anti-Defamation League report showed 1,127 harassment incidents, 919 vandalism incidents and 61 assault incidents. The five states with the highest number of anti-Semitic reports were:

Combined, those states had 45 percent of the total number of anti-Semitic incidents last year in the United States. More than half of the assaults nationwide occurred in the five boroughs of New York City, including 25 in Brooklyn alone, the report said.

The report does not draw conclusions about the motivation behind the anti-Semitic incidents. Tuchman said its important not to generalize.

Every case needs to be assessed on its own, he said. When we know who perpetuated a particular assault, we need to understand the motivation of that perpetrator may not be what motivated another perpetrator.

Typically, he said, the number of assaults in a given year range from 30 to 60, and 2019 is the latest high-mark year. Because the number of American Jews reporting anti-Semitic incidents is relatively small, its harder to extrapolate broader trends, he said.

In an earlier report, the Anti-Defamation League reported an uptick in extremism at stay-at-home protests urging governors to reopen states for business after coronavirus-related closures, but Tuchman said anti-Semitism isnt an overarching theme.

Its a very, very small number of people at these rallies who exhibit bad behavior related to ideological extremism, let alone anti-Semitism, he said. He pointed out that the presence of swastikas on some signs is more a condemnation of governors stay-home orders than anti-Jewish sentiment.

We view that as offensive, Tuchman said, but not necessarily anti-Semitic.

He said extremists find anti-government activity generally very attractive, so its not surprising a small number were able to glob on to these protests.

Anti-Semitic incidents may be reported on the organizations website.

The report doesnt cover 2020 anti-Semitic incidents, but the Anti-Defamation League keeps a running count as they are reported. In Florida this year, incidents include:

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Florida Reports Anti-Semitic Incidents: Anti-Defamation League


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