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Yamina relies on sectoral unity to prevent losing votes to other parties – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on March 2, 2020

The latest election campaign for the religious, right-wing parties started in ignominy as political in-fighting and ego deeply tarnished the image of the various factions of the religious-Zionist sector. Bayit Yehudi leader Rafi Peretz tried to do an end-run around National Union leader Bezalel Smotrich, his competitor for the leadership of a consolidated, religiously conservative party list, by uniting with the far-right Otzma Yehudit. This caused consternation within Bayit Yehudi, leading to ugly scenes in its central committee meeting which resulted in physical scuffles amongst the different factions. Smotrich in turn outflanked Peretz by uniting with Naftali Bennetts more electable New Right outfit, which had 24 hours earlier pledged to run alone as a liberal, right-wing party. This set up a nail-biting day which went right down to the wire and ended in Peretz abandoning Otzma, but dumping Bayit Yehudi MK Moti Yogev off the list, and resulting in recriminations from many sides. Once the rawness and rancor over these Machiavellian machinations had subsided, the re-formed Yamina Party set about trying to paper over its differences on social and religious issues, and emphasize its shared devotion to the cause of Greater Israel and the annexation of as many settlements and as much territory as possible. This goal was given an ostensible boost in January, when US President Donald Trump unveiled his long-awaited peace plan which allows for unilateral Israel annexation of some territories in the West Bank. From initial joy, and the apparent validation of Bennetts long term advocacy for settlement annexation, Yamina Party leaders' ecstasy soon turned sour as the Trump administration made clear that such annexation could not take place till a government is formed. For most of the rest of February, Yamina campaigned strongly for the immediate annexation of at least some settlements, efforts which were ultimately in vain and did nothing to increase its electoral traction, with the party stuck on seven or eight seats in most polls. Party leaders such as Bennett and Ayelet Shaked have repeatedly argued that Yamina remains the only party that formally opposes the establishment of a Palestinian state, and have persisted with the message that only a large Yamina will stop a unity government between the Likud and Blue and White which will supposedly drag the country leftward. And Bennett has noticeably adopted a far more sectoral stance than his earlier messaging on uniting the right-wing across the religious spectrum from secular to religious.Instead, Bennett has gone about lamenting the efforts of other parties to siphon off Yaminas voters, asserting that other parties were trying to do down the political representation of the religious-Zionist sector, and take advantage of its votes without listening to its demands and requirements. This message has seemingly shored up the partys base and prevented any further erosion of its voters towards the Likud, something which the religious-Zionist parties have long had to contend with.Over the last three election campaigns, Netanyahu has consistently sought to instill fear amongst the religious-Zionist community that if the Likud is not the largest party then political dominance over government of the right-wing, and the control over the settlements in particular which is so dear to it, could crumble altogether. It is this message which Bennett, Shaked and the other leaders have struggled so hard against. Yamina has also had to contend with efforts by Blue and White to attract some of Bennetts more liberal followers, but this campaign by Gantzs party has been maladroit to say the least and it has had little impact in the polls. The perceived outcome for Yamina lies in fine margins. If it secures eight seats, one more than it currently has, it will be seen as a good result, if it drops a seat, as is possible with a final gevalt push by Netanyahu, then it will be seen as an especially bad day, while remaining static on seven will be a reasonable if slightly less than satisfactory outcome. Either way, Yamina has very few options for joining a government other than if there is a majority on the right-wing without Yisrael Beytenu. Bennett has repeatedly ruled out sitting with Blue and White, describing the party as having left-wing DNA, while the religious hardliners from Bayit Yehudi and National Union would have nothing to do with the social liberals of Gantzs party.Although there has been some talk about the possibility Bennetts New Right faction might defect to Blue and White in order to form a government, the electoral map as it stands on the eve of the elections makes this option a flight of fancy.

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Yamina relies on sectoral unity to prevent losing votes to other parties - The Jerusalem Post

Changing Minds One at a Time | Sheri Oz – The Times of Israel

Posted By on March 2, 2020

How do you fight all the noise, the accusations and curses hurled at anyone who dares to support Israel? How do you make people stop and think? Those attempting to combat the rabid anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism on social media know how disheartening that can be. Many give up in despair. Leaving the haters in their bubbles of hate.

Reservists on Duty, an Israeli NGO established by IDF reserve soldiers in 2015, is one of the organizations that show us how it is done.

A Reservists on Duty team landed back home in Israel last week after a ten-day trip to the United States; I spoke with Jonathan Elkhoury about 20 minutes before he boarded his flight in Texas to find out how it went.

He told me a story: Last year, at a pro-Israel table at Houston University during Apartheid Week, he was approached by a man who told him he is against Zionism and believes Jews do not have the right to a state. Elkhoury identified himself as a Christian Israeli and asked the man if he is a human rights activist. When the man said yes, Elkhoury simply asked him: So how can you call yourself a human rights activist if you deny the Jews their human rights?

From the expression on his face, Elkhoury could tell he was taken aback, shocked perhaps. The discussion heated up and Elkhoury, diplomat that he is, found a way to end it.

This year, Elkhoury saw the same man at an event organized together with Houston Hillel. This time, he came to listen. It seems that members of Hillel had followed up on that incident and had continued to engage him in discussion.

We hugged, said Elkhoury, and he told me he is going on a trip to Israel later with a group not with Birthright, of course, because he is not Jewish. He still considers himself pro-Palestinian, but he is more moderate now and accepting of the Jewish state.

And this is one of Elkhourys goals: to show people that one can be pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian simultaneously. Pro-Palestinians think we are against them, explained Elkhoury. We are not. We dont mind you [Palestinians] wanting your own state, we mind you wanting to take ours away.

Jonathan Elkhoury (27), a graduate student in political science and communications, is director of the Reservists on Duty Minorities Project, established three years ago. It fights anti-Israeli activism by showing them Israel in all its complexity. People have almost never met Israeli minorities, Elkhoury explains. By sharing our life stories, they can connect to a side of Israel they knew nothing about.

On this trip, Elkhoury was joined by Atif abu Nagi, (21), a Muslim law student from Nazareth, Magd Bader (26), a Druze student from Hurfeish in the Galilee pursuing a degree in Government Studies, and Baruch Mor (33), an American Jew who immigrated to Israel at the age of 15. They led discussions at Colombia College in New York, the University of Houston, at a community event organized by FIDF (Friends of the IDF), and a Maccabi Hatzair (youth movement) event for 180 high school students aged 16-18 in Miami.

Its important to speak with kids who are the next generation, said Elkhoury. The high school pupils and university students had many pointed questions for the Minority Project speakers. They asked if it is really fair to call Israel a democratic country when it is a Jewish country. They asked whether or not the minority citizens of the state really do have equal rights. They wanted to know why it is considered antisemitic to criticize Israel. And one person asked how they feel about the national anthem, Hatikva.

Abu Nagi said that he sings Hatikva. Elkhoury added: if you have a problem with Hatikva then you are saying that everything is perfect and you are only dealing with this small issue of a symbol. What is important is that we can take part in the political process and have [minority] members of Knesset and ministers.

There are problems of course. Abu Nagi admits that the minority will always feel less than, simply because another language is the official language, another culture is the main culture that runs the country.

Yet, the non-Jews of Israel are free to pursue their dreams. There is no law in Israel preventing a member of any minority from being prime minister, Bader said.

Abu Nagy remarked on the changes within the Muslim community in his hometown, Nazareth. Ten years ago it was very different, he said. Now on Israel Independence Day you can see lots of Israeli flags. The Arabs are starting to feel more fully a part of the country, more Israeli.

And that is the message the Minorities Project is bringing to those outside the country who think they are doing anyone a favor by slandering Israel.

Feature image credit: screenshot from the Facebook page of Reservists on Duty.

Sheri Oz, owner of http://www.israeldiaries.com, is a retired family therapist exploring mutual interactions between politics and Israeli society.

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Changing Minds One at a Time | Sheri Oz - The Times of Israel

Three key observations on the Israeli elections – Arutz Sheva

Posted By on March 2, 2020

OpEds

:

1.Twenty-eight years ago, Israel underwent aleft-wing political upsetthat dethroned the Yitzchak Shamir governmentand set upa government headed by Yitzchak Rabin in its place. This happened despite a majority of votes for the Right. The Tchiya party and the party of Rav Levinger did not pass the electoral threshold (which was relatively low at the time), wasting thousands of votes and thereby allowing the Left to set up a government and sign the Oslo accords, enabled by the non-Zionist Arab parties.

For a brief while,on thesad night during whichthe results became known, we hoped that Rabin, as a former Chief of Staff and a security expert, would be cognizant ofthe security needs of the state, even if he followeda different ideology. Very quickly we found out that Yossi Beilin, who was very far from being security minded, was running the show. The Oslo Accords, in fulldetail, were placed on Rabins desk almost against his will. But Rabin was roped in and supported this policy in publicdespite its irrationalityand despite the many terror victims who piled up from the start of negotiations, before the agreement was even signed.

In penning these lines I want to convince the tired Right to find the strength to go our and vote on Election Dayand perhaps even to serveas volunteers before and during Election day.I have no interest in discussing Gantz, despite the possibly criminal investigationof the Fifth Dimension company of which he was CEO. The man leaves an impression of someone not very strong and without any firm ideology. This may sometimes have advantages. Yet behind him there is a man who is very determined and clever, a good politician, who knows exactlywhere he wants to go. I fearthat Rabins Beilin will be in Gantzs case Ofer Shelach, a clear-cut man of the Left, whose love of Torah or of the Land are clearly questionable. Avi Nissenkorn, as well, is a labor union politician whose path is clear to himin the economic sphere. These two have many sympathizers in the Blue and White party, even if those regularly presented for us to vieware the more mainstream Yoaz Hendel, Tzvi Hauser, Hili Tropper and Elazar Stern. Those four'sability to influence matters will be like that of Motta Gur in Rabins government: weak to non-existent. Shelach and his friends are stronger than they. The Arabs in Judea and Samaria have proven in the last generation that they understandNetanyahus messagevery well. That is why terror attacks were fewand their shockwaves subsided rapidly. There is a strong chance that they also understand the message communicated byShelach and his friends, and that we will feel the results on ourflesh as we did during the Oslo period.

2.I dont think I amable to convince dyed in the wool Blue and White voters. They are locked-in on the need to push out Netanyahu, and wont listen to other arguments. The entire Left is mobilized to bring down Netanyahu, and the Right is tired, indifferent and ready for any candidate for Prime Minister who will save them from another round of elections. I see the tired Right in the communities of Judea and Samaria and in other places. They mayfall victim to Oslo III or worse.

In penning these lines I want to convince the tired Right to find the strength to go our and vote on Election Dayand perhaps even to serveas volunteers before and during Election day. If each one of us calls five people such as a neighbor, a relative, a friend from synagogue, and a friend from work and urges them to vote, well gain another seat. This can be critical. I remember how our unbounded volunteeringcontributed 24 years ago to changing an election result by a margin of just a few votes. Thats when Netanyahu was born as Prime Minister.

3.In theright at present, religious Zionism is struggling for its place among thousands of members of its former institutions, who are running after the Likud. We will briefly mention three points. First, Netanyahu is a good prime minister when it comes to foreign policy, security and the economy. Corporate affairs and domestic needs are of no interest to him, and he willingly hands them to his coalition partners. If the haredi partiesreceive these ministries, religious Zionism will have to settle for crumbs from the coalition table, and that is howsociety in Israel will look. It is our responsibility - and it is in our hands.

Secondly, withouta strong religious Zionism, non-harediIsraeli society may be left with no connection to Torah. It may be left with a Jewish democratic state whose Judaism will be pallidand powerless, unable to cope with the pressures of the general culture. It could cause the Judaism that we leave for our sons to be devoid of any attractive elements.

Third, the rift and intolerance between liberal religious Zionism and Torani religious Zionism may lead us to a situation in which there will be no political representation of religious Zionism, neither the Torani group nor its liberal sister. The existing alliance today and the ability to work together in harmony, after hard and bitter struggles, between Naftali Bennett and his friends and Bezalel Smotritz and his friends, are not to be taken lightly, and can be called a real miracle.

Let us not forget that the two religious Zionist factions still pray in one synagogue and serve together in the IDF's field units.

The differences are great, but you can join them hand in hand. On election day, let us not allow the miracle to slip away throughindifference or by voting for parties with other agendas.

Translated from the Hebrew, appeared inMakor Rishon February 28th2020

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Three key observations on the Israeli elections - Arutz Sheva

Jerusalem’s Hebrew U to reexamine collaboration with right-wing group that blacklists academics – Haaretz

Posted By on March 2, 2020

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem will reexamine its policy that allows students to receive academic credit for volunteering with the right-wing Im Tirtzu organization, which has targeted left-wing groups and academics in the past.

In a letter obtained by Haaretz, university legal counsel Pepi Yakirevich wrote that the decision to grant credits to students volunteering with Im Tirtzu will remain in place for the rest of the academic year, but added that a university committee would reexamine the policy and is considering narrowing the kinds of organizations for which volunteering would be recognized for credit beginning in the next academic year.

Confirming the veracity of the letter, the university said that it must review the list of accepted organizations because of the complicated logistics of monitoring the list's roughly 140 groups.

The university has been giving academic credits for social service since 2018, and publishes a list of recognized organizations with which students can volunteer. About 1,300 students participate in the university's program. As reported two weeks ago in Haaretz, the university has been granting two academic credits for volunteering with Im Tirtzu, even though university guidelines prohibit political organizations from the program.

University sources had said that Im Tirtzu is not affiliated with any political party or movement and was placed on the list after it described its social service activities for the needy, the elderly and underprivileged populations in Jerusalem, including Arabs.

The organization was founded in 2006 to promote and strengthen what it calls the values of Zionism in Israel. It operates 15 branches at various academic institutions throughout the country.

It attracted public attention about a decade ago when it ran a campaign against the New Israel Fund. Members of Im Tirtzu often protest against left-wing organizations, and the group has dubbed left-wing organizations like Breaking the Silence "foreign moles who protect terrorists," going so far as to target themin a public campaign from 2016 that drew condemnations in Israel including from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

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It has run high-profile campaigns accusing left-leaning politicians and cultural figures of subversion, and last year began a website featuring the names and contact information of university lecturers who have expressed left-wing opinions. It also has a telephone number where students can report comments by professors.

Ariel University in the West Bank settlement of Ariel recently also grants academic credit for social service volunteer work with Im Tirtzu, but Tel Aviv University rejected a request by the group to qualify for its program due its political character. Ben Gurion University of the Negev and Bar-Ilan University rejected similar requests on technical grounds, and The University of Haifa said that it has not received a request from Im Tirtzu.

When Haaretz initially reported that students were receiving credits for work with the organization, Im Tirtzu responded by calling on students who "want to continue to realize the Zionist vision and promote the values of Zionism in the 21st century as well, to join the activities of Im Tirtzu. Now, students can volunteer and help the people of Israel and their future and receive two academic credits."

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Jerusalem's Hebrew U to reexamine collaboration with right-wing group that blacklists academics - Haaretz

It’s time for the UK to recognise that Israel is a racist, apartheid state – The National

Posted By on March 2, 2020

ANOTHER excellent article from David Pratt (The India of Modi moves further from Gandhis vision as each day passes, February 28).

The UK Government may not exhibit the politics of hate to its full extent, but it is seeking to silence those with whom it disagrees. The recently announced government policy to ban BDS (the boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign in support of human rights for Palestinians) is as stark an example as any.

So often during the past 40 years Ive heard the cry from Zionists If only the Palestinians had someone like Ghandi who would promote peaceful resistance, we could settle our differences and live in peace. Alas, this is only one more Zionist lie. They dont want peace. They want Palestine. And they want it without the Palestinians. For 50 years theyve had the power to make peace, but instead frustrate it at every turn.

In supporting this Israeli colonialism the UK Government shows nothing but contempt for the basic human rights of the Palestinians. The UK governments for 75-plus years have been proclaiming support for a two-state solution, and still do so, despite it now being impossible. Greater Israel is the reality; and has been for 50 years. Israels control of the Golan, West Bank and Gaza will NEVER be relinquished. Israel wants the land but not the people. Israel is a racist state. Israel is an apartheid regime. Once this is recognised and accepted by the UK Government it can become a genuine player in achieving a resolution.

This wont happen by itself. Just as Ghandiwas ignored, ridiculed, despised, attacked, now Omar Barghouti and his BDS campaign face similar experiences as the supporters of Zionism seek to quell all protest including such peaceful initiatives as BDS. As another great anti-apartheid icon of the 20th century said: We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.

David MylesGlasgow

AS the British Government shows more and more signs of coming in line with the extreme right, scapegoating of all who dont fit its false categories, it was refreshing to be reminded, by David Pratt in yesterdays National, of the legacy of Ghandis non-violence and inclusiveness, and read Lorna Slaters challenge to anti-immigration rhetoric (We need immigrants to bring youth, energy, skills, February 28).

Many of us are tempted just to despair at the signs of the fascist ideology that gripped Europe and other parts of the world in the 1930s and, like a virus, is so quickly spreading today. A recent small book On Tyranny:Lessons from the Twentieth Century by Timothy Snyder, a professor of history at Yale, is a simple primer to encourage us all to challenge seductive lies in public life. Amongst other he quotes the courageous Czech dissident Vaclav Havel: If the main pillar of the system is living a lie, then the main threat to it is living in truth. Not a bad motto for those of us who want to see a new and different vision for our nation of Scotland.

Iain WhyteNorth Queensferry

I COMMEND the Scottish Government for making bus travel free for young people. As a happy user of free travel for the other end of the age spectrum, I can testify the joy of jumping (well, not actually jumping anymore) on a bus and let somebody else do the driving. However, there is no credible public transport in my area, as is the case in many rural areas. In order to get to a bus stop, I must take the car. If I need to change buses, often there is no connection integrated transport is non-existent.

There is a real gap in services not just public transport between rural and urban areas. If we want to lower our carbon footprint, we need to close the gap of transport poverty.

Trudy Duffy-WigmanCrook of Devon

AS we look at Holyrood 2021 we should reflect on the previous one, ahead of which Professor Curtice pointed out that both votes for SNP would bring very few list MSPs. Estimates show that approximately 750,000 votes were not only wasted, but also gave us a thicket of colonialist MSPs! The system was devised to prevent one party, particularly the SNP, from getting an overall majority. Since we desire a big Yes majority, it makes sense in most areas to give the second vote to a Yes candidate when they are not competing for the constituency vote.

Further to this, it is unwise to try and punish the colonialists by putting them third, fourth and fifth. Votes can be transferred, so better to ignore them. That is how a Tory was elected in Easterhouse!

In terms of name, I wondered if SnP would reduce (for some) possible pejorative nationalist tags. But I liked Brian Coxs suggestion of Scottish Independence Party. As taking back control could be a Yes theme, it could resonate with many people. We should not be ashamed to adopt slogans, where relevant, that have been shown to be successful.

Dr Kris HansenEdinburgh

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It's time for the UK to recognise that Israel is a racist, apartheid state - The National

Blue and White mix message of hope with outrage in final message to voter – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on March 2, 2020

In front of an enthusiastic and good spirited crowd in Tel Aviv Saturday night, the four leaders of Blue and White expressed in turn hope for a new political dawn. They also expressed outrage against what they portrayed as the misdeeds and offenses of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government.After fading in the polls over the last week and a half, Benny Gantz, Yair Lapid, Gabi Ashkenazi and Moshe Yaalon took turns to rally the crowd and energize the partys activists to regain the partys earlier momentum.If this final party rally before the election on Monday is a barometer, Blue and White has decided to persist with their warnings about the alleged threat to democracy posed by Netanyahu and his possible effort to obtain immunity from prosecution, and with a message of hope for less divisive times.MK Gabi Ashkenazi, the party member in the No. 4 slot, spoke first and berated Netanyahu, declaring We wont let hatred win; we wont let racism win.Ashkenazis tone was upbeat but his messages were that there are 48 hours to stop the lies, and that one more Knesset seat and Netanyahu will stay in power.MK Moshe Yaalon, as is his wont, denounced and condemned Netanyahu and his government, speaking in dire terms of the need to save the country and the prime ministers attempt to turn Israel into an extremist Bibistan.Yaalon declared: We have to stop Netanyahu from getting 61 MKs so that he can grant himself immunity.But then came the message of hope, and despite the crowds attentiveness to the warnings of Ashkenazi and Yaalon, the gathered attendees and activists were far more responsive to the upbeat tone of Lapid and Gantz.We are talking about hope. It is not some thing. Our outlook is hope, values, change, and being part of something bigger than us all, Lapid proclaimed.Everywhere in Israel people have a different story which is still the same: about people who got up and said fear wont direct me, hatred wont guide me, I believe in hope, he said, and launched into a list of reforms the party would carry out, from amending the controversial Nation-State Law, to permitting surrogacy services for gay men, and for a two-term limit for prime ministers, a pledge which got the biggest cheer of the night.Gantz started his speech with no small dose of outrage and concern over Netanyahu and his actions, and reeled off a long list of the prime ministers alleged misdeeds.But apparently rejecting a gevalt campaign about the imminent victory of his political foe, turned to a more positive message.We are for hope, and hope will win, declared Gantz to cheers from the crowd.We are the hope. We are for a united and unified society. The time has come for unity, the Blue and White leader declared, and went on to talk of the hope of not leaving any child behind, and of the social reforms he seeks to implement.And if one thing might give Gantz hope, it is three attendees from Sderot who declared their total dedication to Blue and Whites victory.Sderot, the cities of the geographic periphery and their residents the majority of whom are from the Mizrachi community are seen as a stronghold of Likud support, which constitutes Netanyahus political base and cannot be swayed to desert him.Dvorah Biton from Sderot and her two friends were of a different mind.I grew up in a right-wing family; in my family home we had a picture of [former Likud prime minister] Menachem Begin, she observed.If we allow corruption then well end up like Turkey, like Erdogan. They had a democratic state, and when the PM wants to get immunity from prosecution well become a dictatorship, she asserted in her message of outrage.Biton concluded her message of hope by saying that, I want to vote for my children and grandchildren, for quiet [from Gaza]. I decided to stop voting for the past and [to] vote for the future instead.

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Blue and White mix message of hope with outrage in final message to voter - The Jerusalem Post

Got milk alternatives? Your guide to the nutritional value and environmental impact of various versions – Las Vegas Sun

Posted By on March 2, 2020

Photo illustration / Shutterstock.com

By Kelcie Grega (contact)

Sunday, March 1, 2020 | 2 a.m.

If you grew up in the 90sor have kids who didyou surely remember the Got milk? campaign. Posters featuring celebritiesfrom Britney Spears to Kermit the Frogplastered school hallways and lunchrooms, reminding those who walked by how milk helps growing bones stay healthy and strong. Two decades after those two words entered our consciousness, it might be time to rethink what kind of milkif anywe should be drinking.

Some studies dispute the necessity of milk for adults. Some people cant tolerate it at all, but most who have a bad reaction to milk arent allergic to it, says Dr. Evelyn Montalvo Stanton, a pediatrician at the UNLV School of Medicine. They just have difficulty digesting lactose, a sugar found in dairy products. And lactose intolerance can increase with age, with only 40% of the population able to digest lactose into adulthood.

Some ethnicities are more lactose intolerant than others. Those of African, Asian and Ashkenazi Jewish descent, for example, have a higher lactose intolerance ratebetween 75% and 90%than those of northern European descent (18% to 26%).

Other types of milk arent hard to find, but the nutritional differences are vast. Plant-based soy milk, for example, is a good alternative for those with a dairy allergy or lactose intolerance, but doesnt provide as much protein or riboflavin, aka vitamin B2.

There are environmental concerns to take into consideration, too. Almond milk, which has seen a massive spike in consumption over the past five years for being a low-calorie, vegan alternative, is easy to find in grocery stores and coffee shops, but some argue it negatively impacts the ecosystem, particularly for bees. The Guardian recently reported that 50 billion beesmore than seven times the worlds human populationwere wiped out in a few months during winter 2018-19, partially attributable to Americas reliance on industrial agriculture methods, especially those used by the almond industry.

In other words, theres a lot to weigh when it comes to choosing the right kind of milk. Heres a guide to help you decide

Cows milk

Its the most common and familiar variety, and it provides vitamins and minerals like vitamin D, calcium and potassium. Regular milk can be high in saturated fats, however, so most health officials recommend drinking a nonfat version.

Additionally, the protein in cows milk is a common allergen, so some doctors prefer lactose-free milkcows milk with added enzymes that break down lactose into more digestible sugars. Also worth noting: One glass of cows milk can have at around three times the environmental cost of a glass of nondairy milk, according to a 2018 Oxford study.

Almond milk

Unsweetened almond milk is a popular vegan alternative for its silky, nutty taste, and reduced calories and carbs per serving. Its rich in antioxidant vitamin E but low in protein. Some brands are fortified with added vitamins like A and D, but that varies from brand to brand.

In addition to its potential impact on bees, almond milk has other environmental effects. For example, it requires a lot of water to producemore than one gallon of water per almond, The Guardian reported.

Hemp milk

Hemp milk is made from ground, soaked hemp seeds and is high in healthy omega-3 and omega-6 unsaturated fats. Hemp seeds are also one of the best sources of plant-based proteins and contain more calcium than dairy milk, according to U.S. News and World Report.

Like almond milk, hemp milk has a nutty flavor with a creamy consistency, somewhat thicker than skim milk and other milk alternatives. Hemp milk is typically low in carbs, and its best to look for unsweetened brands.

Oh, and for those wondering, no, you wont get high on hemp milk, which contains only trace amounts of THC, the compound in marijuana that produces psychoactive effects.

Coconut milk

Coconut milk is a popular alternative for its taste and creamy consistency, but its high in saturated fats compared with dairy and soy milk. Some brands are fortified with protein and essential vitamins and minerals to increase the nutritional value. Its also a safe, dairy-free alternative for those with nut or tree allergies, and some argue drinking coconut milk can boost good cholesterol levels.

Soy milk

Soy comes closest to dairy milk nutritionally, since soybeans are a good source of protein, according to a 2017 study published in the Journal of Food Science and Technology. Soy milk also contains cancer-fighting agents like isoflavones, and uses less water and land while producing fewer carbon emissions than cows milk, making it a more environmentally conscious choice.

It has limitations, however, particularly for those with soy allergies. Soy milk contains compounds known by some as antinutrients, believed by some to have detrimental effects on digestion.

Oat milk

Oat milk can be a strong alternative for those looking for something higher in fiber, and also a great option for those with soy and nut allergies. Commercial oat milk brands are generally fortified with vitamins A, D, B2 and B12, along with minerals like calcium.

The production of oat milk has a less-adverse environmental impact than almond or soy milk. But oat milk is generally higher in calories and carbs, and contains less protein than soy or dairy milk.

This story appeared in Las VegasWeekly.

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Got milk alternatives? Your guide to the nutritional value and environmental impact of various versions - Las Vegas Sun

Safa’s Story responds creatively to bullying – San Diego Jewish World

Posted By on March 2, 2020

By Eric George Tauber

SAN DIEGO Blindspot Collective is a small theatre troupe that goes out to area schools with something they call Forum Theatre. They came to the Performing Annex in City Heights to present Safas Story, a play addressing ethnic bullying.

Creating a fun, playful atmosphere, we walked into recess with live music, spinning hula-hoops, a craft table and games like trashketball led by bright-eyed young people who reminded me of summer camp counselors. The game I played involved a cube with questions. You throw it in the air, catch it and answer whatever question comes up such as, What is your most cherished memory? and What is your greatest achievement thus far? The questions tested not our knowledge, but insight and emotional awareness.

Safa is a fifth grader whose family hails from Zimbabwe. Shes precocious, curious, smart and very likable. But theres a new kid in school, Ryan, who makes Safa the object of his taunts. Ryan isnt hostile so much as immature. Hes only joking, but at Safas expense. And when Safa goes to the teacher for support, shes labeled a snitch, which only makes matter worse.

Halfway through the performance, the audience gets to weigh in, changing the outcome of the story by changing the characters choices, even stepping into their roles. We can be Safa, standing up for ourselves, her classmates being better friends or the teacher taking the situation more seriously. The one character we cant replace is the bully. The only way to change him is to stand up to him.

As theatre, this wouldnt work for Hamlet. But its a very effective teaching tool to foster empathy and a safe learning space. It was the kids in the house, much more than the adults, who were eager to get in on the action. I was quite proud of them as I saw their little hands shoot up in the air as they stepped up to defend the girl and confront the bully.

Safas Story reminded me of post-pogrom Jewish immigrants in the early 20th century. Displaced and disoriented, we werent real Americans. We had accents and Yiddishisms. Our holidays were different. Our diets were more restrictive. Our Ashkenazi names sounded funny, so many were changed in order to assimilate. We could learn to play baseball and shave our beards, but we could never change the core of who we were.

During the talkback, they mentioned that, at one school, a boy remarked, We dont have any Safas. But theres always a Safa. Even if you come from an affluent and ethnically homogenous community, theres always that kid who doesnt quite fit in. Maybe theyre on the autism spectrum, or part of the Queer community, or just awkward in some way. And theres always that bully to let them know it. And maybe in their minds- theyre only joking. But their taunts and jests are toxic.

Kudos to the teaching artists of Blindspot Collective for bringing their Forum Theatre projects to area schools. May the seeds that they plant flourish into a garden of compassion and kindness. And may we raise up a generation of menshes who build a better future for everyone.

To learn more about the group, and maybe sponsor their outreach to schools, go to http://www.blindspotcollective.org.

*Eric George Tauber is a freelance writer who specializes in coverage of the arts. He may be contacted via eric.tauber@sdjewishworld.com

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Safa's Story responds creatively to bullying - San Diego Jewish World

5 takeaways from Haaretzs Young Israelis project and what it means – Haaretz

Posted By on March 2, 2020

The conventional wisdom about young Israelis is that theyre pretty right wing. Definitely more right wing than their parents, more right wing than their peers in other countries, and more right wing than previous generations of young Israelis.

Unlike young people elsewhere, who seem to be constantly out in the streets, spearheading movements for political, social and environmental change, these young Israelis dont seem particularly motivated to change the world. Just stop by any big protest in Tel Aviv and youll notice how few young faces there are in the crowd.

True, young Israelis dont follow the trajectory commonof other Western countries. Whereas high school graduates in the United States and Europe will often spend the next four years of their lives in university classrooms opening their minds and learning to challenge authority, their peers in Israel can expect to spend most of that time in army fatigues, following orders from their military commanders. What little free time they have, they prefer to spend hanging out with friends rather than starting revolutions.

Very little academic research has been conducted on young Israelis. One built-in problem is that an important subgroup of this demographic 18 to 21-year-olds is for the most part off-limits: While they are serving in the Israel Defense Forces, young Israelis are not available and generally not at liberty to participate in such research. And while public opinion polls in Israel tend to segment respondents by age, the detailed breakdowns that might shed light on this particular age group often dont get published.

The main motivation for this special project, given all the common assumptions about this age group, was our curiosity: We wanted to see if the accepted stereotypes were really true.

We started out by looking for 10 young Israelis, men and women aged 18 to 27, each of whom could represent a particular community. In some cases, this required us to consult with people deeply plugged into these communities. Before our subjects responded to the questions in our survey, we knew nothing about their politics or their views on other issues.

We do not pretend that this is a scientific or representative sample of young Israelis. It is simply a focus group. Therefore, we also sought out existing data about this age group both in Israel and abroad to better understand their politics, positions and passions.

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Their responses, and how they measure up to the more scientific data, surprised us in certain ways. Here, then, are five takeaways from our special project...

1. Right wing? Maybe, but not so much

There was a time when support for a two-state solution, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, was the key issue dividing left from right in Israel. Left-wingers tended to support a two-state solution while right-wingers did not. Based on that definition, most of the members of this focus group would qualify as right wing. And yet, among those who agreed to share information about their voting habits, not a single one said they had voted or planned to vote for Israels largest right-wing party, Likud. (Some had voted in the past for smaller religious parties to the right of Likud.) Furthermore, when asked to identify themselves politically, not one went so far as to call themselves right wing though two-thirds (66.9 percent) of 18- to 24-year-old Israelis identify as such, according to data recently gathered by the Israel Democracy Institute. Indeed, a study by Israeli sociologists Noa Lavie and Irit Adler shows that young Israelis are profoundly more right wing than their European peers. But the most that members of our focus group were willing to say was that they were center-right. We were also quite surprised that three of our subjects chose to describe themselves as left wing often considered pejorative in Israel these days.

2. Not the usual dichotomy

In Israel, it used to be easy to predict a persons positions on a wide range of issues based on whether they self-identified as right wing or left wing. Right-wingers could be expected to favor annexation of the West Bank and oppose a two-state solution. They could also be expected to oppose equal rights for the LGBTQ community and public transportation on Shabbat. Left-wingers, by contrast, could be expected to oppose annexation and support a two-state solution. They could also be expected to support equal rights for the LGBTQ community and public transportation on Shabbat. The young Israelis in this focus group dont fit these standard categorizations. Tali, our ultra-Orthodox participant, for example, expressed unusual sympathy to the plight of gay Israelis. Im someone who follows halakha [Jewish religious law], where such relations are prohibited, she told us. But at the same time, its hard for me to deny someone their basic rights. By the same token, some of those who defined themselves as left wing did not necessarily support a two-state solution or oppose annexation. If there is some common theme in their responses, it is that these young Israelis tend to be hawkish on security but liberal on social issues.

3. Dont judge a book by its cover

Sometimes, all you need to know about an Israeli is what tribe they belong to, in order to figure out how they vote and where they stand on different issues. Settlers and religious Israelis traditionally tend to be on the right, while kibbutzniks, Tel Avivians and Arab citizens are on the left. Mizrahi Jews, Russian speakers and Ethiopian Israelis all tend to the right, while Ashkenazi Jews lean to the left. These stereotypes, for the most part, did not apply to our young group. Our secular kibbutznik, for example, was probably the biggest hawk politically. Both our Russian speaker and Ethiopian Israeli, on the other hand, were proud to define themselves as left-wingers. And our secular Tel Avivian surprised us by being one of the few to express reservations about buses operating on Shabbat.

4. The personal is political

It didnt surprise us to learn that most members of our focus group had not attended a single demonstration in the past year. I dont like protests, especially when it involves blocking roads, one said. Another wondered whether attending AIPAC was considered a protest. Those who took their battles to the streets, however, tended to focus on causes that affected them in a very personal way. Our Arab and Druze participants, for instance, attended protests against the so-called nation-state law often seen as an attempt to downgrade the status of Israels non-Jewish minorities. Our Tel Avivian, who is gay, attended a protest for equal surrogacy rights for single-sex couples. And our Ethiopian Israeli took part in demonstrations to stop police violence against Israelis of Ethiopian origin.

5. Staying put

None of our participants had any concrete plans to leave Israel, and most said they definitely saw their future in the country. This would seem to be in line with data gathered by the Israel Democracy Institute poll, which show that nearly a quarter of Israelis aged 18 to 24 say they would consider leaving Israel if they could obtain citizenship from another Western country. It is noteworthy that two of the three who expressed any inclination to move elsewhere were our Arab and Druze participants. As Fadi, our Druze participant, said: Weve always taken pride in being the only democracy in the region, and the rule of law was once considered the holy of holies in this country. But these days, I have a harder and harder time explaining how Israel is different from other regimes in the area. ... I really want to stay here and raise my children here. It all depends on which direction the country takes and to me it looks like its moving in a dangerous direction.

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5 takeaways from Haaretzs Young Israelis project and what it means - Haaretz

Lost 1000-year-old Hebrew Bible found on dusty Cairo synagogue shelf – The Times of Israel

Posted By on March 1, 2020

In July 2017, Israeli historian Yoram Meital stumbled upon a handwritten 1028 CE biblical codex that was lying abandoned on a dusty shelf in a Cairo synagogue. Wrapped in simple white paper of the sort one finds on tables in cheap eateries, at 616 pages, the Zechariah Ben Anan Manuscript is one of the eras most complete and preserved examples of the Writings, the third and concluding section of the Hebrew Bible. It had been lost to scholars for almost 40 years.

Discovered by Meital in the Karaite Moussa Deri Synagogue, the Zechariah Ben Anan Manuscript (ZBAM) was previously documented in various publications by modern biblical scholars, from a 1905 Jewish Quarterly Review article by leading expert Richard Gottheil through to microfilms of the manuscript done by a team of Israelis from the Institute of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts in June 1981.

The scholars left notes within the texts, and even published their findings. Then, as the Jewish community increasingly lost its members, the priceless manuscript, too, disappeared.

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After decades of trips to Egypt for his academic publications as a professor at Ben-Gurion University, in July 2017 Meital was in Cairo as a private scholar taking part in a Jewish community project headed by the Drop of Milk organization to document the citys many synagogues and seeking fodder for an upcoming book.

Ben-Gurion University history Prof. Yoram Meital (Etty Lassman)

His trip to the 1933 Moussa Deri Synagogue, a monumental structure built at the height of the communitys wealth and power, was meant to record its impressive architecture built in the shape of a four-horned altar and its many stained-glass windows and other ornamentation.

The ongoing documentation project reflects a window of opportunity to record Egypts Jewish heritage that has opened since the rise of President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi in 2014 and the 2013 election of current Cairo Jewish community head Magda Haroun, who also heads Drop of Milk. The Cairo Jewish community now numbers only a handful of Jews, but according to Egyptian law has control over community assets and artifacts, said Meital.

In recent years, efforts have increased to document, preserve, and eventually showcase Egypts Jewish heritage, as illustrated by the emotional February 14 re-inauguration of the renovated Alexandria synagogue, as well as important work in crumbling Jewish cemeteries.

In Egypt nothing can take place without a very bold green light coming from the top of the pyramid and we highly commend the government support, said Meital.

Moussa (Moshe) Deri Synagogue, Cairo, 2019. (Yoram Meital)

As Meital recounted in the recently published Jewish Quarterly Review article, A Thousand-Year-Old Biblical Manuscript Rediscovered in Cairo: The Future of the Egyptian Jewish Past, the discovery left the historian overwhelmed.

It would be difficult to remain indifferent to the beauty of this manuscript, wrote Meital.

In a stroke of scholarly luck, the colophon, or books imprint, includes the name of the scribe, Zechariah Ben Anan, and the person who commissioned it, as well as its date of completion. These are rare and important details, emphasized historian Meital, and show the provenance of the work, as well as the wealth and philanthropy of the family who presumably donated the text to the local synagogue for communal study.

This detailed illustration lists the name of the scribe, Zechariah Ben Anan, as well as the owners of the Codex that was rediscovered in 2017 by Israeli scholar Prof. Yoram Meital in a Cairo synagogue. (Yoram Meital)

Based on notes left by Ben Anan, we know it was completed in the Jewish year 4788, which corresponds to the Gregorian year 1028. (Interestingly, when the manuscript was examined almost 900 years later, a scholar, writing in pencil, made the calculation of how old it was based on his Jewish year back in 1927.) According to Ben Anans notes, we also see his computations of how many verses he wrote, and that it was once part of a complete Hebrew Bible the other two sections of which are gone without a trace.

The manuscript Meital found not only holds the complete Writings, but also another 12 pages of mesorah, or commentary on the biblical text, including notes on the trope, or tune in which it is to be read, and nikud, or vowel and consonantal vocalization of the words. This system of little dots and lines overlaid on the biblical text indicates how the ancient Hebrew words should sound (Hebrew is written without vowels). The system was established by a group of Jewish scholars living in Tiberias near the Sea of Galilee circa 750-950 CE.

Everything that has to do with grammar and punctuation of ancient Hebrew is based on this school, said Meital. When they developed a system of writing and created a school for how to correctly read the Bible, it was a dramatic shift because since then, our Bible was born and developed.

The Cairo manuscript, written just after the writing systems codification, is one of the earliest known examples of the Tiberias school, which trained famous scribes in the 9-11th centuries, including Ben Anan.

Psalm 1 from the Zechariah Ben Anan Codex, rediscovered in 2017 by Israeli scholar Prof. Yoram Meital in a Cairo synagogue. (Yoram Meital)

The biblical text itself is written in block letters in reddish-brown ink, whereas the mesorah was inked in black. At some point in its history, most likely circa 1930, it was bound in red paper. Each 36 centimeter x 30 centimeter (14 inch x 12 inch) page includes the vocalized biblical text, trope, and mesorah, which are mostly arranged in three columns of 18 rows. In the Psalms and other poetry, the arrangement shifts to two columns. Here and there are corrections to the text, which are done by another scribe, either through scraping off the original lines from the parchment and redoing them, or through parchment patches with the correct wording.

There is some divergence in the ZBAM Writings from what is standard in Hebrew Bibles today. The Book of Chronicles appears as one continuous book, rather than two sections, and the book leads the Writings instead of concluding them. Likewise, the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah are joined as one account.

The ZBAM was venerated by the once flourishing Karaite community for hundreds of years. The Karaite reject the Oral Torahs layers of interpretation, which they believe removes the worshiper from the biblical text.

Despite historically wretched storage conditions, only a few dozen pages are damaged. Prior to its dusty shelf in the Moussa Deri Synagogue the ZBAM was housed with other (now missing) precious manuscripts and Torah scrolls at the Dar Simcha Synagogue until 1967. In both synagogues, it was considered holy and used as an amulet of sorts by the congregations.

The congregations, said Meital, crowned this text with beliefs that made this text kind of holy. They used to use it for for study as well as asking blessings.

Scholar Gottheil, outraged, described the storage conditions that he witnessed in 1905: In the worst possible state are the manuscripts kept in the Ark and in the two side-cupboards of the Karaite Synagogue at Cairo. The only one that is preserved with a little care is the Codex of Moses ben Asher. A wooden box with a glass cover has been provided; into this the pages of the MS. have been stuffed: the word is no exaggeration; the box is not large enough, and the pages must be fitted to its size!

Illustrative: The president of the Egyptian Jewish Community, Magda Shehata Haroun, talks during an interview with AFP at the Shaar Hashamayim Synagogue in Cairo, also known as Temple Ismailia or Adly Synagogue in downtown Cairo on October 3, 2016. (Khaled Desouki/AFP)

Since its discovery, the manuscript has been stored at an undisclosed safe location. The next step, said Meital, is to turn a two-story building at Cairos central Shaar Hashamayim Synagogue compound into a library for Jewish heritage. He hopes that the Drop of Milk organization will be able to find enough funding to complete a necessary renovation and climate control modernization of the building to open the library by summer 2020.

We intend to take this space, to renovate it, and to open a library that will have two collections one is something like 10,000-12,000 volumes that we already collected in Cairo and the second floor will be devoted to rare documents and manuscripts, said Meital.

The jewel in the crown is the Ben Anan manuscript, he said.

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Lost 1000-year-old Hebrew Bible found on dusty Cairo synagogue shelf - The Times of Israel


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