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The myth of Jewish privilege and intellectual superiority – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on January 14, 2020

The rising myth of Jewish privilege deprives Jews of the right to victimhood. Now, a recent controversy in the American Jewish community the one surrounding New York Times star columnist and arch Jewish-advocate Bret Stephens would deprive the Jews of even feeling pride.Last Sunday I attended the #NoHateNoFear march across New Yorks Brooklyn Bridge. The march was vital as Jews in America are murdered, stabbed, verbally attacked, physically assaulted and verbally pummeled in incidents becoming almost routine. The crime each time: being a Jew.But that wasnt the only reason I decided to attend the march.I went also because I wanted to validate the feelings of American Jews and tell them that they, too, can be victims of rampant, baseless and violent hatred.Its a point that must be made in the strongest terms, if only because so many Americans continue to believe that the Jews cant be victims of anything at all. Jews, on the contrary, are torn from their victimhood and paraded on its opposite, the pedestal of privilege.Jews are not privileged. Any material success theyve achieved has come against often insurmountable obstacles that had to be overcome.As a matter of fact, Jews are the smallest and most vulnerable minority in America today.There are only five million Jews in the United States, less than 2% of the countrys total population. Still, based on 2018 FBI hate-crime index, Jews are three times more likely to experience a hate crime than African Americans, even though they number less than one-sixth of the black population.If antisemitism is Americas most potent hatred, how could it be the most ignored?The Bret Stephens controversy offers precious insight.Bret is a close friend and a thoroughly moral and decent man. It pains me to see how harshly he was attacked, especially by fellow Jews who could have passionately disagreed with his thoughts while not vilifying or demonizing the man who is arguably Israels most eloquent defender in the English written word in the entire world.In a recent column in the Times, The Secrets of Jewish Genius, Bret offers some observations and an explanation. While his explanation is agreeable he claims Its about thinking different one of his observations was not: He quoted from a study where Jews of Ashkenazi origin scored highly on a standardized test distributed among individuals of different groups. One of the men behind that study promoted eugenics and espoused racist views.I am personally strongly opposed to the arguments that Jews are successful because they are smarter (a claim that Bret did not make) and Im generally opposed to arguments about IQ. When I served as rabbi at Oxford University during the 90s, a controversial best-selling book was published called The Bell Curve by two Jewish authors who made a similar assertion that Ashkenazi Jews have the highest IQs. I vigorously protested the book in published essays at the time and in lectures to my Oxford students. Not only because I am half-Ashkenazi and half-Sephardi (which would make me half-smart and half-dumb, something that my wife would probably agree with), but because, as I said at the time, I believe the mind is a muscle. The more we exercise the mind, the smarter we become, like any other corporeal faculty. The less we exercise our brains the duller our minds become. I believe passionately that education improves our mental faculty, just as good nutrition improvise our physical faculties. To the extent that we Jews are perceived as smart, its because of our emphasis on textual study and education. And to the extent that Jews are successful, its not because of any superiority in IQ but because of our unique values, like rejecting aristocracy in favor of a meritocracy, and an emphasis on spiritual struggle rather than perfection, with its accompanying acceptance of failure as a path to growth.Studies which conclude that our genes account for our achievements contravene core Jewish values about the equality of humankind. INDEED, BRET agreed with this argument and quoted the IQ study not to support its conclusions but only to note that Ashkenazi Jews once tested well in something academic. Thats far less impressive than earning a fifth of Nobel Prizes, but somehow it would be Jewish performance on standardized tests that stirred the scandal dragon.Ironically, if there is indeed a secret to Jewish genius, its precisely that Jews dont believe the brain is an operating system you download from your parents. Besides the situations and environments that get in the way, known as nurture, there are also the decisions that we make.In fact, while other faiths sought to discern the future, Jews knew that wasnt the point. Far more powerful than seeing the future is controlling it. And thats what decisions allow us to do.If you decide to value family now, your future will be one of family happiness. If you decide to work hard now, your future will be one of prosperity. If you decide to quit smoking, your future will be one of greater health. It doesnt always work, but its more accurate than soothsayers or astrologers, whether in ancient Egypt or The New York Times.But the point is that, applied to the brain, the same holds true: If you decide to invest in your mind an area which the Jews have continually emphasized your future might just be one of high test scores and Nobel prizes, not because of any IQ superiority but because the mind-as-muscle will have had significant exercise.Jews know intelligence has nothing to do with the mental set they are born with. They could work their mind like a muscle in a gym called Torah and if not that, then in physics, mathematics, economics or just plain old life.We know Bret himself understood this from how beautifully he phrased it: What makes Jews special is that they arent. They are representational.The fact that so many jumped to condemn Bret especially from within the Jewish community shows how uncomfortable Jews are made to feel for taking pride in their national achievements. It shouldnt be troublesome to argue that 3,000 years of national journeying have taught the Jews a thing or two, but in 2020 it somehow is. Its as if Jews as a nation are prohibited from feeling any pride at all.Let me be clear that I disagree passionately with offensive studies that suggest that Jews, or any other ethnic group, have higher or lower IQs. I consider such studies to be bad science, offensive and an affront to Jewish values. But I believe that Brets entire purpose in raising that point was to reject it as an explanation for Jewish prosperity in favor of his core argument that Jews as non-conformist outsiders succeed because they think outside the box. Other nations take pride in their national achievements. So will the Jews.In a speech delivered before a French Revolutionary Assembly in 1789, Count Stanislas de ClermontTonnerre argued, We must refuse everything to the Jews as a nation and accord everything to Jews as individuals. It was a depraved policy that deprives Jews of all communal rights. More than 230 years on, why is it being resurrected?The Jews are no better than any other nation but we are certainly no worse. Other nations feel victimhood when they come under rampant attack. So will the Jews. Its not something we wish to wallow in but neither is it something that should be suppressed. Jews right now are under significant attack. They are victims of senseless hatred. And we must fight back.America and the world must accept these truths. The Jews, after all, are not just any nation. They are a nation that is very much in danger yet very much alive.We will not cower. We will not be afraid. Am Yisrael Chai.The writer, whom The Washington Post called the most famous Rabbi in America, is the author of Judaism for Everyone and Renewal: The Seven Central Values of the Jewish Faith. Follow him on Twitter and Instagram @RabbiShmuley.

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The myth of Jewish privilege and intellectual superiority - The Jerusalem Post

Elizabeth Wurtzel, author of Prozac Nation, dies at 52 of breast cancer – Connecticut Jewish Ledger

Posted By on January 14, 2020

ByEmily Burack

Elizabeth Wurtzel, best known for her memoirProzac Nation, has died at age 52 after a five-year fight with breast cancer.

At the time of her diagnosis, Wurtzelwrote inVice,I have the BRCA gene mutation, the curse of Ashkenazi Jews and Angelina Jolie. It means I am likely to keep getting cancer if I dont do something to stop it, so instead of having a lumpectomy, I am having a double mastectomy with reconstruction.

Wurtzel became an advocate fortesting for the BRCA gene mutation specifically, that insurance companies should cover BRCA testing for all Ashkenazi Jewish women, regardless of whether or not they present cancer symptoms. I caught it fast and I acted fast, but I must have looked away: By the time of my double mastectomy, the cancer had spread to five lymph nodes, she wrote in theNew York Timesin 2015.

Wurtzel was born and raised in New York City in a Jewish family. She attended the Ramaz School, a Modern Orthodox day school in New York, before attending Harvard undergrad and Yale Law School. In December 2018,she wrote abouthow the man she thought was her father, Donald Wurtzel, was not. Her biological father was Bob Adelman, a photographer, with whom her mother had an affair.

Her blockbuster memoir,Prozac Nation, came out in 1994 when she was only 27 years old, and detailed her struggles with depression and anti-depressants. While a student at Harvard, Wurtzel was one of the first people to go on Prozac. She originally titled the bookI Hate Myself and I Want To Die, with an epilogue called Prozac Nation, before an editor decided the latter should be the title of the book. I Hate Myself and I Want to Die became the title of the prologue. Her follow-up memoirs includedBitch: In Praise of Difficult Women(published 1998) andMore, Now, Again(2001).

After news of her death came out, tributes poured out on social media.

Asshe wrote about her cancerin 2018, Im not sorry about anything. I was never sorry when I said I was. Apologies are a courtesy. I love to argue. I am in it for the headache. I dont need you to be on my side Im on my side.

This is an excerpt of an article that appeared on Kveller (www.kveller.com).

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Elizabeth Wurtzel, author of Prozac Nation, dies at 52 of breast cancer - Connecticut Jewish Ledger

Celebrate the Season of Love with the Fort Collins Symphony – scenenoco.com

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Photo courtesy Fort Collins Symphony. Boris Allakhverdyan, Principal Clarinet, Los Angeles Philharmonic.

Fort Collins Symphony

Just in time for Valentines Day, treat your someone special to a live orchestral experience at the Fort Collins Symphonys Gold Standardconcert at7:30 PM onSaturday, February 1, 2020at the Fort Collins Lincoln Center. Under the direction of Maestro Wes Kenney, the performance includes music composed by Alexey Shor, Bla Kovcs, Benjamin Britten, and Ludwig van Beethoven.Boris Allakhverdyan,Principal Clarinet of the Los Angeles Philharmonic, is the featured guest artist.

The concert begins withBenjamin BrittensFour Sea Interludesfrom the opera,Peter Grimes.The music takes a passionate dive into the life and troubles of a surly fisherman who is mistrusted and shunned by his neighbors. Beginning with the mysterious, suspensefulDawn,the suite culminates with the powerfully tempestuousStorm.

Alexey Shors Verdiana for Clarinet and Orchestrawill be performed by guest artistBoris Allakhverdyan. Written in the style of three different dances, the piece begins with high-energy and fast-paced excitement before becoming slow and elegant, finishing in the form of a tango. Throughout the whole, it maintains a playful air and a hint of mischief.

Sholem Aleichem, Rov Feidman! is a lively, klezmer-toned work byBla Kovcs. Taken from the musical traditions of the Ashkenazi Jews, solo clarinetist Boris Allakhverdyan will expertly spin this into a masterpiece of sliding notes and sounds. With the nostalgia of days gone by, the work begins with a mysterious, somewhat melancholy theme. It then morphs into a swift, delightfully playful (almost flirtatious) conclusion.

Finishing with a true gold standard in music, the Fort Collins Symphony will perform Ludwig van Beethovens Symphony No. 5 in C minor.This titan among symphonies is both a testament to Beethovens skills and a powerful symbol of what classical music has to offer. Its iconic opening melody is one of the most well-known, recognizable themes in the world, and is proof of how music can reach the masses even centuries after first being written.

Guest Artist Boris Allakverdyanwas appointed as the Principal Clarinet of the Los Angeles Philharmonic in 2016. Previously, he served as Principal Clarinet of the Metropolitan Opera Orchestra and Associate Principal Clarinet of the Kansas City Symphony.The New York Timeshas called his performance inspired, gorgeous and superlative, and theLos Angeles Timespraised his energetic, vibrant solos. Mr. Allakhverdyan serves on the faculty at the UCLA Herb Alpert School of Music, as well as at California State University at Fullerton.

Pre-Concert Talks and Events:

Composer Talk Wednesday, January 29, 2020atnoon,Old Town Public Library.

The concert week begins with the Friends of the SymphonysComposer Talkby Dr.

Dawn Grapes. Free.

Open RehearsalThursday, January 30, 2020, 7:00-8:30 PM, Lincoln Center.

The public is welcome to attend the FCS Open Rehearsal. Free

Pre-Concert LectureFebruary 1, 2020, 6:30 PM, Lincoln Center.

FCS Maestro Wes Kenney offers a pre-concert lecture detailing the evenings music.

Concert ticket required.

The FCS Season 70 is sponsored by the City of Fort Collins Fort Fund, Dr. Peter Springberg, Dr. Ed Siegel, Colorado Creative Industries, and the National Endowment for the Arts. The Gold Standard concert is sponsored by the Kenneth & Myra Monfort Charitable Foundation, Mary Pat McCurdie, Jane Sullivan, Paul Wood Florist, The Elizabeth Hotel, KRFC 88.9 FM, and Rare Italian. The guest artist is sponsored by Plante Moran.

For additional details and information, please visit http://www.fcsymphony.org. For tickets, call 970.221.6730 or LCtix.com.

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A Recent Peer-reviewed Article Reveals a New Spinal Surgery Technique Based on Carevature’s Cutting-edge Dreal Technology – BioSpace

Posted By on January 14, 2020

TEL AVIV, Israel, Jan. 14, 2020 /PRNewswire/ -- Carevature Medical Ltd.,announces a new article that has just been published at the International Journal of Spine Surgery, discussing a Modified Transforaminal Thoracic Interbody Fusion Approach.

The authors present a new technique for posterior unilateral thoracic discectomy, facilitated by the Dreal, "a novel, curved, shielded, high-speed device"; Introducing the Dreal ventrally to the dural sac allows removal of calcified and soft disc fragments without relying on forceful manual maneuvers and avoiding manipulation of the spinal cord, resulting in a "safer treatment for thoracic disc herniations, reducing complication rates and improving patient outcome."

The technique was developed by neurosurgeon Ely Ashkenazi, MD, at the Assuta Medical Center (Tel Aviv, Israel) in the past 5 years and has become a standard for treating such pathologies in transforaminal thoracic interbody fusion procedures (TTIF) as described in the article, as well as in more common transforaminal lumbar interbody fusion procedures (TLIF).

Says orthopedic spine surgeon and lead author Michael Millgram, MD: "The Dreal curved high speed drill has proved a valuable addition to my clinical practice. It allows quick and thorough evacuation of disc material in TLIF procedures providing a large clean bony surface for fusion while reducing operating time. My impression is that TLIF procedures performed with the Dreal exhibit a considerably more robust anterior fusion than those procedures where disc space preparation was performed in the standard manual manner."

Dennis Farrell, President for Carevature Medical, Inc. comments: "This article presents one example of how Carevature technology has the potential to reduce the morbidity associated with spinal procedures. Our company is laser focused on improving outcomes through novel technology which is designed to safely, efficiently, and effectively remove pathology while retaining structural anatomy and minimizing the collateral damage often associated with spine surgery. We are committed to modernizing the tools that are available for decompression, many of which have not changed in decades. Carevature continues to research, develop, and launch solutions that advance the art of the decompression through our family of sterile packed, single-use, curved at the tip, shielded, and high speed bone cutting technology, and are looking forward to additional publications that share the benefits of our growing experience in cervical (ACDF, ACCF, and foraminotomy) and lumbar (foraminotomy, osteophyte removal) procedures."

To date, Carevature Medical's Dreal technology has assisted surgeons in over 1,500 cases, both non-fusion and fusion. The company's highly targeted approach has it working with medical systems and surgeons located across the US, in Chicago, Boston, Dallas, southern California, Michigan, North Carolina, and Florida, with plans to expand throughout 2020.

ABOUT CAREVATURE

Carevature Medical Ltd. a privately held medical device company headquartered in Rehovot, Israel, is dedicated to developing advanced orthopedic surgery solutions that minimize trauma, resulting in long-lasting improved patient outcomes.

Media contact:Robert W. Cook, VP Marketing & SalesCarevature Medical, Inc.M: 260-417-1643E: bob@carevature.com

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A Recent Peer-reviewed Article Reveals a New Spinal Surgery Technique Based on Carevature's Cutting-edge Dreal Technology - BioSpace

Universities should stand up for integrity and public trust in university teaching – The Conversation CA

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Recent events at the University of Alberta called into question expectations for those who teach in universities.

The universitys student journalism society, The Gateway, reported Nov. 27 that an assistant lecturer, Dougal MacDonald, made a Facebook post on November 20 where he said the Holodomor is a lie and perpetuated myth. The publication also captured screenshots of Facebook posts and a published a statement from MacDonald.

The Holomodor death by hunger in Ukrainian refers to the death of millions of Ukrainians in 193233 due to Soviet policies under the Josef Stalin regime. Canada recognized the Holomodor as an act of genocide in 2008, as have the provinces of Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Alberta, Ontario, Qubec and most recently British Columbia.

On Dec. 6, the deans of arts and education at the university issued a statement saying MacDonalds claim of the Holomodor as a myth is not true. It is not a statement based on historical evidence.

There was public outrage about the Facebook post by students and community groups, and a call for MacDonalds dismissal.

The Toronto Star reported that in an emailed statement, the University of Alberta said MacDonald had a right to express his opinion and said his views did not represent those of the university.

Forty-three current and former faculty members from the University of Alberta signed a letter of support for MacDonald. They claim MacDonalds views are protected by his rights to free speech and cited the University of Albertas new statement on freedom of expression.

Discussions about what university instructors or professors can say often invoke themes of freedom of expression or academic freedom as it pertains to both faculty or sessional lecturers. But what about their roles as teachers of undergraduate or graduate students in publicly funded institutions?

We are two educators at the University of Saskatchewans College of Education involved in researching teaching and learning. We have designed provincial educational curricula, hired and mentored faculty and lecturers, trained teachers and developed material for broadening cultural awareness.

We believe those teaching in publicly funded universities whether tenured professors or contract lecturers should be held accountable for denying historical and public-record facts, whether in their classrooms or beyond.

The denial of the Holodomor by MacDonald is reminiscent of the Holocaust denials of the late James Keegstra, an Alberta teacher who was charged with hate speech in 1984 and stripped of his teaching licence. His conviction under Canadas hate propaganda laws was upheld by the Supreme Court of Canada.

In New Brunswick, teacher Malcolm Ross was removed from teaching due to his anti-Semitic behaviours. The Supreme Court ruled that removal from his teaching position was necessary to ensure that no influence of this kind is exerted by him upon his students and to ensure that the educational services are discriminationfree.

The teaching profession, regulated provincially, has deliberated on the topic of freedom of expression and has responded accordingly with clear guidelines.

Teachers are provided with standards of conduct through their regulating bodies that act as guideposts for maintenance of a collective reputation in the publics interests.

We believe Canadas publicly funded universities, like public schools, also have a responsibility to inspire and uphold public trust.

This is especially true during these times across Canada when diversity is ever-increasing and hate-mongering, racialized or xeonophobic bullying or bullying those deemed different is a reality.

Such events are co-existing globally with a rise in fake news and ideological propaganda that discounts historical facts through social media, sometimes with terrible consequences.

Clear parallels exist between how society regulates K-12 teachers and what it expects from them and the work of university instructors. For example, both those teaching children and young adults are implicitly role models for the next generation in all aspects of their growth.

Universities have an important role in providing places of thought, reflection and learning. The work of tenured professors and sessional instructors is governed by different collective agreements. Regardless of the agreements that define their work and academic freedom, when they are teaching, these professors or lecturers become role models for their students in how to communicate knowledge.

They are also entrusted to instruct in service of the collective good of our societies, and this means their actions are under the scrutiny of many. From our point of view, they are in positions of public trust and visibility and are by default accountable at all times.

In our current political context, we are seeing advocacy for freedom of expression on campus, alongside a rise in polarized ideologies.

In a recent ruling, Albertas superior court said students have Charter-protected free expression rights on campus. If a university instructor is also a PhD student, what could this mean for university and instructional classroom leadership?

To deal with that potential conflict, universities, like the professional bodies that oversee teachers in public schools, may need to provide more proactive guidance for instructors. One way to do this could be through the universitys mission, vision or values and related standards of behaviour.

For example, a learning charter at the University of Saskatchewan outlines conduct for students, educators and other partners in higher education. Such a charter doesnt offer cut-and-dried answers, but speaks in concrete terms to the important value of a university as a learning, as well as a research and inquiry milieu.

It will become increasingly important for universities to consider how their responsibilities as learning and educational institutions that foster public trust can be upheld. We cannot be complacent to fostering public denials of the historic record through silence or fear of reprisal because of freedom of expression.

[ Youre smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversations authors and editors. You can read us daily by subscribing to our newsletter. ]

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Universities should stand up for integrity and public trust in university teaching - The Conversation CA

The final nail in the coffin of the Zionist left – +972 Magazine

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Its difficult to hide a smile when considering the irony that Meretz, once the crown jewel of the righteous Zionist left, was last week swallowed whole by the Labor Party, now headed by two Mizrahi Israelis. Meretz, which found itself dangerously close to the election threshold, pulled out all the stops in trying to convince Labor head Amir Peretz, who previously refused the merger, to unite the two parties in a joint slate in the run-up to the upcoming elections on March 2. On Sunday, it appeared Peretz had given in to the pressure put on him by large swaths of the Zionist left.

That irony, however, that also carries with it a lesson: what Mizrahim are unable to achieve through the action of individuals such as Mossi Raz and Avi Dabush, both members of Meretz, failing to climb the ranks of their own party is far more easily obtainable through a separate, sovereign vessel.

The Labor-Meretz merger, as Dabush wrote on the pages of Local Call, is nothing more than a sour one between two political bodies fighting an existential war. But more than anything, it is the final nail in the coffin of the fiction we call the Zionist left.

For the sake of the merger, Meretz not only agreed to push MK Issawi Freij to the unlikely 11th spot on its list thus turning its back on the Arab-Jewish leadership that some of its members had dreamed of it also agreed to put someone like Yair Golan ahead of Freij, an Arab MK and longtime Meretz member, on the list. Golan, the former deputy chief of the IDF General Staff, previously said that he would take issue sitting in a government alongside members of the Joint List, while preaching to Palestinian MKs to stop dealing so intensively with the Israel-Palestinian conflict and focus on internal matters.

All this was done so that Meretz could join Labor, a party that, in its attempt to get votes from Israels underprivileged Jewish communities, has refrained from talking about the occupation and the violent control of millions of stateless people in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem.

I do not trivialize Labors thinking: in a reality in which the Jewish-Israeli public is sinking deeper into nationalism, racism, and fascism, any alternative to the violence of the right even if that alternative only speaks about social and economic issues is a welcome change. But a party that refuses to use the word occupation cannot be considered a left-wing one. And a party that insists on maintaining its Zionist identity after 71 years of Jewish supremacism must rethink its designation as left wing.

As a supporter of the Balad party and the Joint List, I couldnt care less about the way the Zionist spectrum divides up its bases of power. Now, however, the merger between Meretz and Labor has made everything clearer, and on Election Day progressive Israeli Jews will be forced to make a decision that many still find difficult. They will have to choose between various shades of Jewish supremacism or genuine civil and national equality.

The perpetual implosion of the Jewish left in Israel has caused many to internalize the necessity of Jewish-Arab partnership. Unfortunately, this has typically led to tokenizing Palestinian candidates while presenting a false symmetry between oppressor and oppressed. This strategy has been unable to forge real partnerships and enlist both new Arab supporters and new Jewish ones. And not for naught: more than 70 years later, it is time to realize that you cannot have your cake and eat it too.

Joint List head Ayman Odeh and MK Ahmad Tibi at a protest against violence and organized crime inside Israels Palestinian community, Majd al-Krum, Israel, October 3, 2019. (David Cohen/Flash90)

It is true that Israeli politics often appear an untenable mix of conflicts of interest and identities. But on a deeper level, things are far simpler than they appear: in a state in which not only the government, but the very regime itself, is built on a very clear set of privileges for one national group at the expense of the other, every step toward equality whether civil or collective rights must be led by the oppressed group. The privileged group must join the struggle and accept being led, otherwise it could find itself in the position of the good master negotiating with the bad master over expanding the rights of their serfs.

This step does not require giving up ones identity or the unique interests of the majority, but it does require severing those interests from the idea of supremacy. That is, it forces Israeli Jews who want to belong to the left in its universalist form to recognize their place in the racial hierarchy that Zionism has created here, and to understand that any change must begin with ones willingness to shed those very privileges.

Before the merger between Labor and Meretz, there were those who hoped to see Meretz (or at least parts of it) join the Joint List (or at least parts of it) to create that very vaunted Jewish-Arab party. The idea never came to fruition, and thats a good thing for two reasons: firstly, because it is an inherently colonial act to dismantle the hard fought-for Palestinian political front for the sake of Zionists who struggle to sit alongside Palestinians who insist on speaking about both collective and civil rights. And secondly, such a merger would have created a veneer of symmetry that is light years from the Israeli reality.

The simple truth is that progressive Jewish Israelis who view themselves as left wing have no reason to vote for any party other than the Joint List. Anyone who reads the party platform will discover that, much to the chagrin of Yair Golan, its vision is far broader than the day-to-day issues facing Israels Palestinian citizens. It is a progressive and brave vision based on full civic equality and recognition of the collective rights of the two peoples who live here. Jews who do not fear giving up on supremacy in exchange for justice should have no problem adopting this platform wholeheartedly. In fact, now it seems they have no alternative.

This article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.

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The final nail in the coffin of the Zionist left - +972 Magazine

Hotovely: ‘Religious Zionism should be part of the ruling party’ – Arutz Sheva

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Hotovely with Rabis Brander and Taharlev

Gershon Ellinson

Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely (Likud) on Monday visited Midreshet Lindenbaum of the Ohr Torah Stone network and addressed the 200 students of the Midrasha.

"We are on the eve of an election where the ideological issue is being hidden from the public and only the personal issues are being dealt with," said Hotovely, who called to "bring the ideological discourse back to the center of the stage and realize that the debate between us and our political rivals is about the identity of the state and the wholeness of the land. The focus on the Prime Ministers issues is a mask behind which there is a dangerous leftist ideology."

Hotovely also said that "there is tremendous value for a religious Zionist presence in a party that represents the majority of the people of Israel. Religious Zionism has always carried the flag of integration and not the flag of segregation and this should be the way in politics as well."

As a graduate of the Midrasha, she told participants, "The Beit Midrash accompanies us daily. The values I received here accompany me in my public work. I therefore call on you to show political involvement and to know that the Torah leadership that grows here must be reflected in all aspects of life, including in the political sphere."

During the visit of the Deputy Minister, a major emphasis was placed on the connection between Israel and the Diaspora, a connection that the Ohr Torah Stone network, which has emissaries in Jewish communities all over the world, is engaged in.

Rabbi Kenneth Brander, President and Rosh Yeshiva of the Ohr Torah Stone network, and the head of the Midrasha, Rabbi Ohad Taharlev, thanked Deputy Minister Hotovely for her visit.

Rabbi Brander said, "There is no doubt that the relationship between the State of Israel and the Diaspora has been and remains a cornerstone of the building blocks of Zionism. Diaspora Jews, some of whom are confronted daily with anti-Semitic hatred, need the state's support in the fight against anti-Semitism and, more than that, in order to preserve their Jewish identity. Diaspora Jews seek to feel connected to the home, to feel that the State of Israel is their home and there is a place for them. They need us and we need them."

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Hotovely: 'Religious Zionism should be part of the ruling party' - Arutz Sheva

New Right, National Union ink unity deal, urge Jewish Home to join – Cleveland Jewish News

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Israels New Right and National Union parties announced on Tuesday that they will be running together in the countrys March 2 elections.

The two parties also called on the Jewish Home Party to join them, according to a report in Arutz Sheva. Talks between National Union head Bezalel Smotrich and Jewish Home head Rafi Peretz broke down on Monday night.

According to the terms of the deal, New Right leaders Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked will take the first and second slots on the list, respectively, followed by National Union leader Smotrich, according to the report. National Union will also get the fourth spot, for MK Ofir Soffer, while the New Right will get the fifth and sixth spots.

The deal leaves an opening for the Jewish Home with the second and eight slots.

We have reunited the family. Weve made a large alliance in the ideological right and in Religious Zionismfrom the traditional [non-Orthodox] to the haredi-Zionists, from the knitted kippas to those without kippas, from Tel Aviv to Kedumim, said Bennett.

I call on my friend, [Jewish Home leader] Rabbi Rafi Peretz, to join us immediately to form a single united party, for the victory of the national camp.

The United Jewish Home, an alliance of Jewish Home and the far-right Otzma Yehudit party, harshly criticized the unity deal, the Times of Israel reported.

The true face of Bezalel Smotrich and Naftali Bennett has been exposed the shattering of religious Zionism, the party said in a statement, according to the report. The party went on to accuse New Right and National Union of having hurt the entire right-wing camp.

All alliances for the upcoming elections must be finalized by Wednesday night.

The post New Right, National Union ink unity deal, urge Jewish Home to join appeared first on JNS.org.

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Mordechai Nisan, The Crack-up of the Israeli Left – Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Mordechai Nisan, The Crack-up of the Israeli Left, Mantua Books, 2019, 224 pp.

This book makes interesting reading for Western researchers even if not acquainted like myself with the complexities of the Israeli political morass. It offers varied insights on the ideology, teachings, publications, and political activities of the Israeli left. I must clearly state that I am unfamiliar with Israeli political life, parties, and media, and that I review this book only in relation to the European ideology and stance toward Israel, the PLO, and the Middle East at large.

There are indeed fascinating similarities between the terminology, ideology, and militancy of Western leftist anti-Semitism and some of Israels leftist politics. In my view, the ideology denying Israels right to exist, suppressing its history and identity in order to eradicate the Jewish state, is nothing less than racism and the heir of genocidal Nazism whatever specious humanitarian disguise it adopts. It is true that some Jewish political milieus in the late 19th and 20th centuries strongly opposed Zionism, but such an attitude was motivated by the particular dangerous circumstances of the time. The new Jewish anti-Zionism is of a specific character. Like its European twin, it emerged in the late 1960s and 1970s with ideological elements and a vocabulary in perfect synchrony with Western anti-Zionism, so much so that it is difficult to distinguish which triggers and feeds the other.

From 1967 onward, the European leftist parties that were pro-Israeli after World War II underwent a major mutation with the advent of the Gaullist pro-Arab and pro-PLO policy linked to the Israeli victory of June 1967. In January 1969, the Second International Conference in Support of the Arab Peoples (Cairo) laid down in 23 resolutions the transnational groundwork of a war planned at every level against the Jewish state. Four years later, after the Israeli victory in the Yom Kippur War, this groundwork, supported mainly by France, became the nucleus of an unofficial Middle East policy adopted by the nine countries of the European Community under the coordinated supervision and funding of the European Commission. The Euro-Arab Dialogue that was established in 1974-75, and patronized by the EC member states and the Arab League states, developed Euro-Arab commissions and subcommissions, and its transnational networks, synchronized by the European Eurabia Committees, emerged throughout Europe along with numerous publications.

There were many reasons for such a mutation. One was Frances ambition to play a greater international role by getting the European Community allied with the 22 countries of the Arab League and the larger Muslim world. Arab and Muslim countries were emerging as a new energy and advocacy superpower with new international agents, namely, the World Islamic League and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, 1969, now the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation). To this must be added a wave of Palestinian terrorism in Europe, the energy crisis of 1973, and the OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) oil blackmail and boycott. Hence economic and security constraints combined to bring Europe, and particularly the left, to support the Palestinian jihad against Israel. This tacit alliance also involved providing clandestine military assistance to Palestinian terrorists while allowing them to circulate freely and use training camps in Europe, as some European politicians among them Francesco Cossiga, former Italian president, and recently Yves Bonnet, former chief of French security (Direction de la surveillance du territoire, DST) declared to the media.

Since those years, world organizations and international institutions as well as a huge and powerful coalition of countries united at every level to condemn and defame one country: Israel. Many former Nazis and collaborators recycled their anti-Zionism in the pro-Palestinian movement and in the leftist parties where prominent Jews, such as Bruno Kreisky, president of the Socialist International and then Austrian chancellor, also vilify Israel. As a self-proclaimed anti-Zionist, Kreisky was the first European state leader to meet with Yasser Arafat, head of the PLO, an organization then seen as terrorist. Kreisky granted Arafat legitimacy and facilitated his relations with other European leaders.

A Diaspora Jew even a little acquainted with modern European anti-Semitism cannot fail to recognize in the declarations, postures, and activities of some members of the Israeli left, as meticulously described by Nisan, the exact replica of the EU anti-Israeli policy that is conducted in tandem with the OIC and the Arab League and aims at replacing the Jewish state with Arab-Muslim Palestine. One cannot avoid seeing in Nisans book the unfortunate repercussions on some Israeli leftists of a permanent European anti-Zionism, heir to Nazism and recycled into a pro-Palestine ideology linked to European geostrategic and oil interests.

Eurabia networks and their diverse publications constitute the womb from which European anti-Semitism/anti-Zionism and specifically the Israeli left emerged. In the Eurabia bulletins, launched in early 1973, the late Israel Shahak, president of the Israeli League for Human and Civil Rights, denounced Jewish racism against Arabs; the qualification Palestinian had not yet appeared (Eurabia, no. 5, March 5, 1973). Shahak used a vocabulary for Israel that is now common: occupied territory, occupation, apartheid. Greatly appreciated and reproduced in the Eurabia bulletins are the heinous anti-Israeli accusations and denunciations from Israeli citizens, including Felicia Langer and others, and quotations from leftist Israeli newspapers as cited by Nisan. These Eurabia bulletins invert the truth by identifying the Israeli soldier with the Nazi persecutor, while the Arab aggressor is disguised as the vulnerable Jewish victim. Such inversion is even more cynical in light of the fact that Muslims, particularly Arabs from Palestine, collaborated wholeheartedly with the Nazi regime. We also see the new Orwellian language, described by Nisan, of politically correct opinions employing subversive terms, inverted meanings, and deconstructed knowledge. The Israeli trend, for its part, thinks and speaks in total harmony with the European political language concerning the Jewish state. But whereas such a trend is found in only a section of the Israeli left, in Europe this terminology is common to all political parties, each of which sent delegates to participate in the Euro-Arab Dialogue sessions.

The Palestinian narrative was created according to a Western political pattern and for Western consumption. It centered on occupation, colonization, racism, Nazism, fascism, and apartheid. But those notions do not resonate among a Muslim public which, moreover, wholeheartedly supported Nazism and fascism, especially the Arabs in Palestine, who even constituted Nazi SS regiments and worked within the Nazi war and genocide machinery. Besides these undeniable historical facts, the Arab-Muslim war against Israel is unconnected to those European political notions. It springs from a totally different worldview and historical conception. It functions within the parameters of jihad, Dar al-Harb (the House of War), harbi (a term for non-Muslims who are not under Islamic law), kaffir (a term for those who reject or disbelieve in Allah), slavery, sharia jurisdiction, and its correlative system of dhimmitude. If one wants to negotiate peace with the Muslim Arabs of Palestine, one should hold discussions on those grounds and not according to Western notions that are meaningless in these specific contexts.

Why have some Israeli academics, writers, artists, politicians, and journalists collaborated with the Euro-Arab anti-Israeli bloc and become the most powerful machine of defamation of their own country? NGO Monitor has shown that huge sums paid by several European countries, the European Union, powerful churches, and international organizations have funded the Israeli anti-Zionist NGOs as well as other Palestinian and pro-Palestinian bodies. Nisans book explains clearly and in detail the motivations and the extent of this wide map of Jewish hatred against the Jewish state. The European war against the state of Israel received the Jewish leftists imprimatur and, conversely, they were rewarded with fame and success. I can personally confirm that a high-level Israeli politician told me that they asked foreign countries to pressure Israel to submit to the PLOs ostensible peace conditions. Likewise, European politicians have responded to my accusations of anti-Semitism by stating that they were merely repeating Israeli views. Nisan analyzes such attitudes even among some pioneers and valiant soldiers who have risked their lives to build Israel. One can only ponder the motivations of such distinguished heroes of Israel. A fear of seeing their state collapse? A sense of responsibility toward their people? A desire to restrain Jewish religious excesses and maintain a free, secular, modern state? Are others driven by ideological illusions of an Ashkenazi intelligentsia that thinks exclusively within European parameters and obstinately rejects the history of dhimmitude of the other half of the population?

In any case, the synchronization and collaboration between, on the one hand, European anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism and, on the other, some Israeli leftist declarations, terminology, and militancy are stunning. Both trends began in the same period, yet the EU policy aims to replace Israel with Palestine, eat away at the historical Jewish homeland, colonize its capital Jerusalem, deny its history and identity, and abet, through its powerful international networks, Palestinian terrorism and its genocidal goals that are publicly and proudly proclaimed. The European Union derides leaders who are friendly to Israel and pursues a campaign of economic strangulation and delegitimization of the Jewish state. And here lies the intriguing question of a nexus: Was the EU forced by OIC economic blackmail and Palestinian terror to pressure Israel to commit suicide? Or were the Nazis and their collaborators still active after World War II, choosing with their former Arab and Palestinian allies to continue their previous policy of destroying Israel from the inside? As for me, my conversations with some Israelis from the extreme left, and my reading of the European Unions predatory, unrealistic, and perilous demands of Israel, lead me to the view that Israeli leaders have had to deal with extreme pressure.

Nisans description of the Israeli academics of the Truman Institute at the Hebrew University recalls the behavior of the Christian Arab intellectuals from Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq who, since the nineteenth century, built the political, cultural, and historical foundations of Arab nationalism in the hope of integrating with the Islamic ummah. This effort, conceived and supported by France and Britain, led to the conversion of Christians, the weakening of Lebanon, and the loss of identity of pre-Islamic ethnic communities that are now disappearing after years of trials and tragedies. Nisans rich, lucid investigation of the subject inspires thoughts on todays most urgent issues and is a powerful trigger for debate and elucidation.

Link:
Mordechai Nisan, The Crack-up of the Israeli Left - Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs

Childhood trauma may have led to Martin Buber’s cerebral trust in higher power – The Times of Israel

Posted By on January 14, 2020

Martin Bubers I and Thou has become a cult classic of modern Western theology in the years since it was first published in Germany, nearly a century ago.

The book took intellectual and spiritual inspiration from Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, Taoism, and a whole host of post-Enlightenment Western secular thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, to argue that there is an ethical dimension to life. Buber attributed this dimension to something above man. He called the dimension transcendent reality, and believed it takes place though continual dialogue with both our fellow human beings and a higher power.

Paul Mendes-Flohr, a professor of modern Jewish thought at Jerusalems Hebrew University, says the central theme running through almost all of Bubers theological and philosophical thinking can essentially be whittled down to two key ideas: that the fundamental premise of all spirituality is not about religious dogma but everyday human experience, and that existential trust is the fundamental concern of every human being.

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Buber was [influenced] by the idea that the Hebrew word for faith is trust, says the 78-year-old Mendes-Flohr.

He notes how Bubers obsessional fixation on trust may have its roots in a complex psychological coping mechanism that arose from an early childhood trauma.

The existential scaffold of Bubers thoughts go deeply into his experience as a three-year-old when his mother left his father to live with a Russian officer, says Mendes-Flohr. Buber felt deeply hurt by his mother right up until the end of his life because she never told him why she was running away.

Paul Mendes-Flohr, author of Martin Buber: A Life of Faith and Dissent. (Alan Cohen)

Buber understood how essential healthy human relationships are for the nourishing of a full life because he failed from a young age to have the unconditional love of his mother, Mendes-Flohr continues. He eventually came to the understanding that unconditional love is the love we have between ourselves and God.

Mendes-Flohr is also an emeritus professor at the University of Chicagos divinity school. He has written, co-authored, and edited numerous books on Jewish history, Jewish modernity, and Jewish identity and culture, including, The Jew in the Modern World: A Documentary History; German Jews: A Dual Identity; and Gustav Landauer: Anarchist and Jew.

The Jerusalem-based Jewish scholars latest tome is Martin Buber: A Life of Faith and Dissent.

The book is more of a distillation and rigorous deconstruction of Bubers intellectual life than a straight-up biography. But it also follows a pattern that many biographers take when trying to probe the mind of a great writer and thinker namely, trying to distinguish between the life and the work, while subtly acknowledging that without the color and complexity of one, you cannot have the richness and depth of the other.

With his constant emphasis on a universal spiritual dialogue with God, Buber took a great deal from other religions as well as from Judaism.

Buber was very much influenced by Buddhism, which he felt had a type of spirituality that lets us address the world in every situation, Mendes-Flohr says. The Buddhist streak in Bubers thought focused on the difference between hearing and listening, [believing] that listening is a spiritual and existential act.

Buber was regarded as a pioneer bridge builder between the Christian and Jewish faiths too, often looking for similarities where others only saw divisions.

Martin Buber in the company of Martin Heidegger (second from right), 1957. (Courtesy of the Martin Buber Literary Estate)

Like many early Zionists, Buber felt that Jesus was part of the Jewish tradition, says Mendes-Flohr. Jesus, after all, was a Jew, and part of Jewish spirituality.

Like many early Zionists, Buber felt that Jesus was part of the Jewish tradition

There is nothing foreign [to Jews] about Jesuss teaching, but its the message of Christ which brings Jews outside of Jesuss teachings, Mendes-Flohr adds. Buber felt Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus of the early gospels was deeply part of Judaism, but that it was Paul who brought the teachings of Jesus outside of Judaism.

Buber was born in Vienna in 1878 and is often hailed as one of the most important spiritual thinkers and philosophers of the 20th century. His translation of the Hebrew Bible into German, which began with his friend Franz Rosenzweig, is considered a landmark cultural achievement. In 1953 Buber was awarded the Peace Prize of the German Book Trade as well as the Israel Prize for the Humanities.

Scarred by the wounds of a troubled childhood, Buber could often appear self absorbed, pompous, and narcissistic, claims Mendes-Flohr. Soon after Bubers mother abandoned him he was sent to live with his paternal grandparents in Lemberg.

Today Lviv, Ukraine, the city was then the administrative capital of the Austro-Hungarian province of Galicia, and had a vibrant spiritual, cultural and economic Jewish life that was later to be almost completely wiped out in the Holocaust.

Martin Buber as a student in Vienna, circa 1896-1897. (Martin Buber Archive, The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem/ Courtesy of the Martin Buber Literary Estate)

Buber was often cast as a German Jew because he was published mostly in German and most of his intellectual life was in Germany before coming to [Palestine], says Mendes-Flohr. But he always insisted that he was a Polish Jew, and he spoke Polish and Yiddish with his grandparents at home.

Buber came to public prominence among Central European itelligentsia in his early 20s. A turning point came with a letter Buber received in November 1908 from Leo Herrmann, who was then the newly elected chair of Bar Kochba, the Association of Jewish University Students in Prague a group of Jewish intellectuals that included Max Brod, Hans Kohn, and Robert Weltsch. The group would later become collectively known as the Prague Circle.

Its members were strongly interested in cultural Zionism and a vision of Jewish strength. Herrmanns letter asked Buber if he could remind a largely assimilated public in Prague [about] their Judaism.

The result was three lectures entitled Three addresses on Judaism, delivered between January 1909 and December 1910. These students were not anchored in traditional Judaism, but they had a huge interest in gaining access to the spiritual core of Judaism, and Buber was their guide, says Mendes-Flohr.

A peripheral member of Bar Kochba at the time was a relatively unknown and diffident Prague writer named Franz Kafka an assimilated Jew with a spiritual curiosity who had no access into this world of traditional Judaism, either from his family or immediate social circle.

Mendes-Flohr believes that Bubers spiritual mentoring of Kafka had an enormous impact on his writing. This is most noticeable in The Trial, with its vision of God as impotent Judge, which Kafka subtly lifted from Psalm 82 and reworked into the narrative arc of the novel where the leading protagonist, K, is condemned to death for doing nothing wrong, committing no crime, and breaking no moral code.

Franz Kafka in 1906. (public domain)

Indeed Kafka was so haunted by this biblical image of God as ubiquitous judge that after he first read the psalm he impulsively boarded a train from Prague to Berlin to discuss it at length with Buber.

Kafka had a feeling that all human beings are accountable to something higher than themselves, but to whom, and to what criteria, he couldnt figure out, Mendes-Flohr says. The dilemma he faced was that he didnt know who the judge is, and so he sought counsel in Buber on this matter.

Mendes-Flohr believes its important to set Bubers own cultural background against the historical and political background in which the Prague lectures and cultural conversations were set. A spiritual and political home for the Jews was still a utopian pipe dream. Moreover, many Central European Jews were imperial subjects of the Habsburg Empire, which brought its own set of cultural conformities.

Rabbi Binyamin (left) and Martin Buber, two members of Brit Shalom (photo credit: The David B. Keidan Collection of Digital Images/Wikimedia Commons)

Buber was not a typical assimilated Jew; he had a strong background in traditional Judaism, he knew the Hebrew prayer book by heart, and could read all the classical texts in the Hebrew language, says Mendes-Flohr. And so the task he set himself was to translate traditional Judaism into the language, concerns and sensibilities of the modern world.

Conversely, Prague-based Jews were not as well versed in the traditional spirituality of Judaism because they were all citizens of the progressive, modern, cosmopolitan and multi-political Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Buber was not a typical assimilated Jew; he had a strong background in traditional Judaism, he knew the Hebrew prayer book by heart, and could read all the classical texts in the Hebrew language

This is a crucial aspect to understanding Bubers work, Mendes-Flohr says. He was an Austro-Hungarian Jew, and this was why the ideas of Zionism a state for the Jews alone in time became problematic for Buber.

Buber believed Judaism flourished in the Diaspora because it lives with other cultures, the biographer adds.

Mendes-Flohr says Buber would remain throughout his life an atypical Zionist who consistently took the side of spiritual Zionism when the sharp division between politics and theology regularly rose to the surface of fiery public Jewish discourse on the topic.

Students at the Hebrew University celebrating Martin Bubers 85th birthday. (Courtesy of the Martin Buber Literary Estate)

Buber felt Zionisms constant emphasis as a political movement to liberate the Jews from the scourge of anti-Semitism tended to obscure the more fundamental project of Zionism, which was the spiritual, ethical, and cultural renewal of the Jews within the content of the cosmopolitan world [and] in relation to the divine law, the Torah, says Mendes-Flohr.

Buber also felt that the emphasis on the political project of establishing a state where the Jews would be secure from anti-Semitism was myopic, and would only lead to the further isolation of the Jews and to spiritual and political suicide, he says.

Buber also felt that the emphasis on the political project of establishing a state where the Jews would be secure from anti-Semitism was myopic

Buber was a very passionate Jew, but also very universal in a humanistic sense, Mendes-Flohr adds. He felt that every human being should be understood on their own terms, regardless of their background or religious beliefs.

Buber arrived to Mandatory Palestine from Nazi Germany in March 1938 and would remain in Israel until his death in 1965. The biography points to numerous examples of Bubers continual efforts to offer an olive branch to the Arab population in Palestine and then later in the State of Israel.

Promoting reconciliation and peace did not always go down well with Bubers fellow Jews, though, especially during the formative years of the State of Israel when the future of the country looked uncertain.

Martin Buber: A Life of Faith and Dissent, by Paul Mendes-Flohr. (Courtesy)

Two weeks into Israels 1948 War of Independence, for instance, Buber wrote an article where he declared that Jewish sovereignty effectively meant a continual program of war with our Arab neighbors. Buber also wrote at the time that the political Zionism taking place under the leadership of Israels first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, blasphemes the name of Zion.

Buber was a contested figure in Israel who constantly gave lectures, made protests, and wrote newspaper articles on issues which he felt were misguided in Israeli politics, particularly with respect to the Arabs, says Mendes-Flohr. But even when he had a public confrontation, it was always met with a certain respect [in return].

David Ben-Gurion, for instance, deeply respected Bubers intellect, particularly Bubers reading of the Hebrew Bible, and very much wanted Bubers approval, Mendes-Flohr adds. After Bubers death, Ben-Gurion was one of the first people to express condolences.

Mendes-Flohr says that were he alive today, Buber undoubtedly would have been deeply distressed about the [current] political situation in Israel.

Before his death in the 1960s Buber was already distressed with what he saw as the establishment of the State of Israel through violence, assertion, and the flight of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their ancestral homes in order to make room for [a Jewish state], says Mendes-Flohr. Buber felt that was a cardinal error, and it cast a deep moral strain on the Zionist project.

Martin Buber at age 85. (Photographer: David Rubinger/ Courtesy of the Martin Buber Literary Estate)

Mendes-Flohr admits that a certain amount of nuance and historical background is also needed to address this issue within its intricate context. Bubers concern about the confrontation with an Arab population in Palestine took place against a broader historical backdrop of 20th century European history. He notes that Judaism was facing ferocious anti-Semitism often regarded as apocalyptic, and which indeed proved to be with the culmination of the Holocaust.

The biographer admits that in such imminent historical circumstances Buber understood the urgency of political Zionism was a natural concern, despite the personal, moral, political and spiritual reservations he may have had to the State of Israel more broadly.

Buber always sought to ask, How can we balance the deepening ferocity of anti-Semitism without abandoning the spiritual and cultural task of Zionism? Mendes-Flohr says. He lived with that tension between the political urgency of Zionism to establish a safe dwelling for the Jewish people while also not losing sight of [Zionisms] more spiritual vocation and mission.

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Childhood trauma may have led to Martin Buber's cerebral trust in higher power - The Times of Israel


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