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Viewpoints: Don’t let the light go out – The Daily Herald

Posted By on December 23, 2019

By Danya Ruttenberg / For The Washington Post

Anti-Semitism is on the rise in America.

Almost half of American Jews ages 18 to 29 report that theyve experienced some form of anti-Semitism in the past five years.

The Anti-Defamation League recorded 1,879 anti-Semitic attacks in 2018 48 percent more than in 2016, and 99 percent more than in 2015 with a dramatic increase in physical assaults, and found 4.2 million anti-Semitic tweets shared on Twitter in a 12-month period. The FBI reports that 57 percent of religiously motivated hate crimes targeted Jews, and that those attacks have become more violent; attacks on ultra-Orthodox Jews, whose dress and appearance marks them as more visibly Jewish than many others of us, are particularly pronounced now. In just the past two weeks, weve seen a deadly shooting at a kosher market in New Jersey and the vandalism of a major Persian synagogue in Los Angeles.

These statistics and incidents stand in sharp relief as Hanukkah begins Sunday evening and continues through Dec. 30, the holiday most tied, in some ways, to our visible presence as Jews. And they open some questions about what this might mean for us now, on the cusp of 2020.

Part of the extra visibility around Hanukkah is culture-driven: As America drenches itself in Christmas carols and decks itself in red and green, those of us not participating may feel even more conspicuous or more invisible than usual. Of course, we share this feeling with all our non-Christian brethren: Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains and everyone else. But with Christmas falling in the middle of Hanukkah, some of us may go out of our way to represent with ugly dreidel sweaters or home decorations.

But theres another kind of visibility, as well; one that roots itself in the space of religious commandment.

In commemoration of the Maccabees victory against an evil ruler who sought to destroy the Jewish people, and of their subsequent reclaiming and rededication of the Temple, the rabbis of the Talmud instituted the practice of kindling the Hanukkah lamp, which we now commonly refer to as the Hanukkah menorah. They said the lamp must be placed where it can be seen from the outside, to publicize the miracle of Jewish survival at a time when all could have been lost. This placing of the Hanukkah menorah somewhere visible in an open doorway or in the window is considered a crucial part of the mitzvah, the divine commandment, of lighting flames each night.

There is, however, an exception, the Talmud tells us: We refrain from publicizing the miracle in times of danger.

Safety is the most important thing. Were not required to invite peril into our homes.

How do we know when a time of danger is upon us? Is the rise in hate crimes enough? How many Soros conspiracy theories are enough? How many times will Jews need to be attacked on the streets of Brooklyn, or gunned down in synagogue, for it to be considered a perilous time? Is it enough that a viral video recently circulated of Pastor Rick Wiles saying, Thats the way the Jews work. They are deceivers. They plot, they lie, they do whatever they have to do to accomplish their political agenda. This impeach Trump movement is a Jew Coup!? This is, of course, nothing short of incitement.

A full 25 percent of respondents to a recent American Jewish Committee poll say that they avoid certain places, events or situations because of fear of being attacked for being Jews, and 31 percent said they avoided wearing or displaying things that would identify them as Jewish. They are trying not to publicize, to proclaim, to make themselves a target.

Jews who are scared have a right to be. The harm we have suffered these past few years is real. The danger to us today and tomorrow is real.

And yet. Maybe we still need all the light we can get.

Traditional commentators are fairly clear: We should understand times of danger to refer to times when non-Jews running the countries in which we live have outlawed the lighting of the Hanukkah menorah; when the practice of Judaism is illegal; or worse. I think of the indelible image of the menorah in the window with the Nazi flag flying across the street; the photo was taken in Kiel, Germany, in 1932, just before the elections that would bring Hitler to power.

When we can, when we are allowed to, we need to show up and shine bright. As the writer Bear Bergman put it, We should, in sorrow and in resistance, increase the light. When the heart is dark, when the mood is dark, all we want is a little sanctified light. We want it to sputter and catch, and lift our hearts up as it does.

Are American Jews able to bring such light? Even now? Even in our fear, our grief, our legitimate concerns? Might we be able to put our lamps, both literal and proverbial, out where everyone can see them, to offer out the light we have and to receive the radiance that others might be able to offer us?

Certainly, doing so makes us vulnerable. But it is also a clarion call: We are here. And it is an invitation to others to find us, and to stand with and for us. To let everyone know that they are not alone, and that we are all in this together.

As the 19th- and 20th-century Kabbalist Rav Abraham Isaac Kook wrote, Everyone must know that within them burns a candle; and that no ones candle is identical with the candle of another, and that there is no human being without a candle. One is obligated to work hard to reveal the light of ones candle in the public realm for the benefit of the many. One needs to ignite ones candle and make of it a great torch to enlighten the whole world.

When we blaze brightly and bravely in the world, we publicize the miracle that has happened and fight to bring one yet to come; we say that those who seek to destroy us will ultimately be defeated. We show that we can stand together against hate with everyone feeling afraid now. We help warm a world when it might be feeling cold.

We must all shine out, together, big and bright.

Danya Ruttenberg, a rabbi, is the author of Surprised by God, Nurture the Wow and other books.

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Viewpoints: Don't let the light go out - The Daily Herald

Chanukah and the Battle of Artificial Intelligence – The Ultimate Victory of the Human Being – Chabad.org

Posted By on December 23, 2019

Chanukah is generally presented as a commemoration of a landmark victory for religious freedom and human liberty in ancient times. Big mistake. Chanukahs greatest triumph is still to comethe victory of the human soul over artificial intelligence.

Jewish holidays are far more than memories of things that happened in the distant pastthey are live events taking place right now, in the ever-present. As we recite on Chanukahs parallel celebration, Purim, These days will be remembered and done in every generation. The Arizal explains: When they are remembered, they reenact themselves.

And indeed, the battle of the Maccabees is an ongoing battle, oneThe battle of the Maccabees is an ongoing battle embedded deep within the fabric of our society. embedded deep within the fabric of our society, one that requires constant vigilance lest it sweep away the foundations of human liberty. It is the struggle between the limitations of the mind and the infinite expanse that lies beyond the minds restrictive boxes, between perception and truth, between the apparent and the transcendental, between reason and revelation, between the mundane and the divine.

Today, as AI development rapidly accelerates, we may be participants in yet a deeper formalization of society, the struggle between man and machine.

Let me explain what I mean by the formalization of society. Formalization is something the manager within us embraces, and something the incendiary, creative spark within that manager defies. Its why many bright kids dont do well in school, why our most brilliant, original minds are often pushed aside for promotions while the survivors who follow the book climb high, why ingenuity is lost in big corporations, and why so many of us are debilitated by migraines. Its also a force that bars anything transcendental or divine from public dialogue.

Formalization is the strangulation of life by reduction to standard formulas. ScientistsFormalization is the strangulation of life by reduction to standard formulas. reduce all change to calculus, sociologists reduce human behavior to statistics, AI technologists reduce intelligence to algorithms. Thats all very usefulbut it is no longer reality. Reality is not reducible, because the only true model of reality is reality itself. And what else is reality but the divine, mysterious and wondrous space in which humans live?

Formalization denies that truth. To reduce is useful, to formalize is to kill.

Formalization happens in a mechanized society because automation demands that we state explicitly the rules by which we work and then set them in silicon. It reduces thought to executable algorithms; behaviors to procedures, ideas to formulas. Thats fantastic because it potentially liberates us warm, living human beings from repetitive tasks that can be performed by cold, lifeless mechanisms so we may spend more time on those activities that no algorithm or formula could perform.

Potentially. The default, however, without deliberate intervention, is the edifice complex.

The edifice complex is what takes place when we create a device, institution or any other formal structurean edificeto more efficiently execute some mandate. That edifice then develops a mandate of its ownthe mandate to preserve itself by the most expedient means. And then, just as in the complex it sounds like, The Edifice Inc., with its new mandate, turns around and suffocates to deathThe Edifice Inc., with its new mandate, turns around and suffocates to death the original mandate for which it was created. the original mandate for which it was created.

Think of public education. Think of many of our religious institutions and much of our government policy. But also think of the general direction that industrialization and mechanization has led us since the Industrial Revolution took off 200 years ago.

Its an ironic formula. Ever since Adam named the animals and harnessed fire, humans have built tools and machines to empower themselves, to increase their dominion over their environment. And, yes, in many ways we have managed to increase the quality of our lives. But in many other ways, we have enslaved ourselves to our own servantsto the formalities of those machines, factories, assembly lines, cost projections, policies, etc. We have coerced ourselves into ignoring the natural rhythms of human life, the natural bonds and covenants of human community, the spectrum of variation across human character and our natural tolerance to that wide deviance, all to conform to those tight formalities our own machinery demands in the name of efficacy.

In his personal notes in the summer of 1944, having barely escaped from occupied France, the Rebbe, Rabbi Menachem M. Schneerson of righteous memory, described a world torn by a war between two ideologiesbetween those for whom the individual was nothing more than a cog in the machinery of the state, and those who understood that there can be no benefit to the state by trampling the rights of any individual. The second ideologythat held by the western Alliesis, the Rebbe noted, a Torah one: If the enemy says, give us one of you, or we will kill you all! declared the sages of the Talmud, Not one soul shall be deliberately surrendered to its death.

Basically, the life of the individual is equal to the whole. Go make an algorithm from that. The math doesntThe life of the individual is equal to the whole. Go make an algorithm from that. The math doesnt work. work. Try to generalize it. You cant. It will generate what logicians call a deductive explosion. Yet it summarizes a truth essential to the sustainability of human life on this planetas that world war demonstrated with nightmarish poignance.

That war continued into the Cold War. It presses on today with the rising economic dominance of the Communist Party of China.

In the world of consumer technology, total dominance of The Big Machine was averted when a small group of individuals pressed forward against the tide by advancing the human-centered digital technology we now take for granted. But yet another round is coming, and it rides on the seductive belief that AI can do its best job by adding yet another layer of formalization to all societys tasks.

Dont believe that for a minute. The telos of technology is to enhance human life, not to restrict it; to provide human beings with tools and devices, not to render them as such.

Technologys ultimate purpose will come in a time of which Maimonides writes, when the occupation of the entire world will be only to know the divine. AI can certainly assist us in attaining that era and living itas long as we remain its masters and do not surrender our dignity as human beings. And that is the next great battle of humanity.

To win this battle, we need once again only a small army, but an army armed with more than vision. They must be people with faith. Faith in the divine spark within the human being. For that is what underpins the security of the modern world.

Pundits will tell you that our modern world is secular. Dont believe them. They will tell you that religion is not taught in American public schools. Its a lie. Western society is sustained on the basis of a foundational, religious belief: that all human beings are equal. Thats a statement withAll human beings are equal. Thats a statement of faith. no empirical or rational support. Because it is neither. It is a statement of faith. Subliminally, it means: The value of a single human life cannot be measured.

In other words, every human life is divine.

No, we dont say those words; there is no class in school discussing our divine image. Yet it is a tacit, unspoken belief. Western society is a church without walls, a religion whose dogmas are never spoken, yet guarded jealously, mostly by those who understand them the least. Pull out that belief from between the bricks and the entire edifice collapses to the ground.

It is also a ubiquitous theme in Jewish practice. As Ive written elsewhere, leading a Jewish way of life in the modern era is an outright rebellion against the materialist reductionism of a formalized society.

We liberate ourselves from interaction with our machines once a week, on Shabbat, and rise to an entirely human world of thought, prayer, meditation, learning, songs, and good company. We insist on making every instance of food consumption into a spiritual, even mystical event, by eating kosherWe liberate ourselves from interaction with our machines once a week. and saying blessings before and after. We celebrate and empower the individual through our insistence that every Jew must study and enter the discussion of the hows and whys of Jewish practice. And on Chanukah, we insist that every Jew must create light and increase that light each day; that none of us can rely on any grand institution to do so in our proxy.

Because each of us is an entire world, as our sages state in the Mishnah, Every person must say, On my account, the world was created.

This is what the battle of Chanukah is telling us. The flame of the menorah, that is the human soul The human soul is a candle of Gd. The war-machine of Antiochus upon elephants with heavy armorthat is the rule of formalization and expedience coming to suffocate the flame. The Maccabee rebels are a small group of visionaries, those who believe there is more to heaven and earth than all science and technology can contain, more to the human soul than any algorithm can grind out, more to life than efficacy.

How starkly poignant it is indeed that practicing, religious Jews were by far the most recalcitrant group in the Hellenist world of the Greeks and Romans.

Artificial intelligence can be a powerful tool for good, but only when wielded by those who embrace a reality beyond reason. And it is that transcendence that Torah preserves within us. Perhaps all of Torah and its mitzvahs were given for this, the final battle of humankind.

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Chanukah and the Battle of Artificial Intelligence - The Ultimate Victory of the Human Being - Chabad.org

We read of Iraqi protests every day, but do we remember Iraqi Jewry? – Arutz Sheva

Posted By on December 23, 2019

Uzay Bulut Uzay Bulut is a Turkish journalist; political analyst and Muslim affiars expert formerly based in Ankara. Her writings have appeared in various outlets such as the Washington Times, Christian Post, Arutz Sheva, Jerusalem Post and Gatestone Institute.

Since protests broke out in Iraq in October, at least four hundred protesters have been killed and thousands injured by Iraqi security forces.In the midst Iraqs demonstrations, which are among the largest and bloodiest protests in modern history, we must remember one of the oldest communities of Iraq that no longer live there: Iraqi Jews.

The modern nation-state of Iraq came into existence in the early twentieth century. During ancient times, lands that now constitute Iraq gave rise to some of the worlds earliest civilizations such as Assyria. The name for the region in the Assyrian language is Beth Nahrain or the land between the rivers, also known as the cradle of civilization.

The Jewish presence in Assyria began after the destruction of the Northern Kingdom of Israel in the eighth century BCE and the exiling of the ten tribles. Later, Jews from the tribel of Judah arrived in Iraq.when Babylon (today's Iraq) destroyed the First Temple. Jewish study thrived in Iraqi yeshivaswhere the Babylonian Talmud was compiledin the 6th century.

Sadly, this ancient community of Iraq is almost extinct now. Jews lived in that region for more than 2,600 years, but only about five Jews live in Iraq today as far as we know, Lily Shor, the Director of External Relations and Events of the Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center (BJHC), said.

Theanti-Jewish pogrom, also known as Farhud, that broke out on June 1 in 1941 was the beginning of the end for the countrys Jewish population.A turning point for Jews in Iraq was the pogrom in 1941 influenced by Nazi propaganda during World War II. Around 200 Jews were murdered and this number stems from only those whose names were reported; many more could not be identified and were buried in a mass grave. During and following the pogrom, the Jews understood that there was no future for them in Iraq. This led to a massive emigration in 1950 and 1951. A hundred and ten thousand Jews came to Israel.

The Iraqi government, which had long oppressed and murdered its Assyrian, Jewish, and Yazidi minorities, then used the 1967 ArabIsraeli War or the Six-Day War as another excuse to target its remaining Jewish citizens.

In the 1960s, said Shor, following the Six-Day War, the Iraqi regimes revenge developed into severe persecutions against the Jews. Many lost their jobs, were not allowed to study in universities, their bank accounts and property were frozen, others were arrested, and many were murdered in prison or in their homes. In January, 1969, nine Jews were executed publicly in the Tahrir Square in Baghdad while tens of thousands of Iraqis who were invited by the government and brought to town in special buses came to celebrate this barbarian act and danced around the bodies of the Jews who were hanged there.

In Basra, too, Jews were murdered and executed. Hundreds of Jews decided to flee, leaving everything behind, locking their doors and taking only a small bag with them. Almost all the community escaped. The schools were shut down and only one Synagogue served the few hundreds who remained there. Those Jews found a way to leave Iraq in the following years.

The ongoing current massive protests across Iraq started in the same square, the Tahrir Square, in which the Jews were hanged fifty years ago, said Shor.

When I saw the Freedom Monument in the Tahrir Square in Baghdad on TV, tears filled my eyes. We cannot forget the TV transmission all day long on January 27 in 1969 and in the following days, showing the bodies of the innocent young Jewish men while tens of thousands of Iraqis celebrating the deaths of the spies and dancing around the gallows. This trauma will never leave the hearts and minds of the Jews who lived in Iraq at that time.

Now I see these young Iraqi protesters and realize that they are not the same people who rejoiced in the murder of the Jews. They are victims exactly like us, trapped under a government which harms its people instead of fulfilling its duty of protecting them and providing for them. They only want to live their lives in peace. I feel strong solidarity with these young people in the Tahrir Square and proud of them for not retreating from their goals despite of all they have suffered. I wish them success with all my heart, and I do hope that Iraq will one day be a prosperous, calm country that recognizes equal rights for all: Muslims, Christians, Jews, Yazidis, Assyrians, Armenians, and all others.

Juliana Taimoorazy, the founding president of Iraqi Christian Relief Council and an advocacy fellow of Philos Project, visited the Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center in November. She said:

I met Lily at the museum and felt in my heart her deep longing and pain for the place she and her family were born. We wept together for the ancient homeland of Iraqi Jews and Assyrians. I also visited northern Iraq in 2018 with my Jewish guests. We celebrated Shabbat at the site of a synagogue there that was in ruins. The townspeople who are Assyrian came to us and supported the Shabbat ceremony. Then an Assyrian old man approached the Jewish guests and wept, saying I miss the Hebrew language. I miss our Jewish neighbors. I wish we could live together again.

A lot of Jews from Iraq speak Assyrian. Many Jewish taxi drivers that I have met in Israel are descendants of the Jews from Iraq and they speak the Assyrian/Aramaic language. Preserving the language and culture of Jews from Assyria/Iraq is of utmost importance to us because when the members of this generation pass away, so will the culture they have brought from Assyria - if it is not preserved.

The Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center in Or Yehuda, Israel is both a research institute and a museum. According to its website, it was established in 1973 to preserve the history of the Jewish community ofIraq and to ensure that it remains part of the future narrative of the Jewish nation. To this end, the Center fosters research, preservation and publication of the culture and folklore of Iraqi Jewry. Shor explains the museums mission:

The Babylonian Jewry Heritage Center (BJHC) brings the story of the Jewish people which was brought 2,600 ago to the region that is today called Iraq and the generations that have lived there until today through exhibitions, research, conferences, and various cultural activities for school students, and the wide public, especially for the young generation. Lately, the descendants of the Iraqi immigrants have taken a growing interest in their roots as well as Iraqi Jews from all over the world. The BJHC is the home to all Iraqis. We also welcome gladly non-Jewish Iraqis who are very enthusiastic when they visit the Museum and meet with Iraqi Jews.

The museums work is immensely important for Shor as she was born in Baghdad and escaped from the country in 1971 when she was 14.

The whole Jewish community was terrorized after the Six Day War. My father too was followed by Iraqi Secret Police agents like many of the Jews. Everyones life was in danger and it was only a matter of time to be arrested. There was only one solution to escape. My family, like many of our Jewish friends, locked the doors of their houses and fled with one suitcase. We were lucky that we were able to come to Israel; we are so lucky to have a country for the Jews.

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We read of Iraqi protests every day, but do we remember Iraqi Jewry? - Arutz Sheva

Has the US thrown Jewish Zionists under the bus? – Arab News

Posted By on December 21, 2019

It is not clear whether it was intentional or not, but the current US administration appears to have thrown Jewish Zionists under the bus by declaring Jewishness to be a nationality, and not simply a religion.The primary aim of the recent executive order was to assist far-right Israelis in their efforts to silence pro-Palestinian students at American universities, by declaring any attack on Israel or Zionism to be anti-Semitic.To do this, the administration used Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. However, this does not address discrimination against religious groups; for it to apply, therefore, Jews would have to be defined under the law as a nationality or race. With its actions, the US administration has exposed one of the biggest fault lines in the Middle East conflict.For decades, Palestinians and their supporters who oppose Zionism have insisted they are not anti-Jew but take issue with the unique and exclusive right granted to anyone of the Jewish faith, anywhere in the world, to settle in Palestine against the wishes of the indigenous people of all faiths (even those who do not have a declared faith.)Palestinian nationalism was built primarily on opposing Zionism while showing respect to Judaism. In fact, a number of Jews have joined the Palestinian revolution and have been elected to positions within the Palestine Liberation Organization and its institutions. Uri Davis, for example, is currently a member of the Fatah Revolutionary Council.However, by declaring Jewishness to be a nationality, and therefore implying that Jews have national rights in Palestine, the US administration has inadvertently created a new problem for Jewish Zionists around the world. It will expose them to accusations of dual nationality, and thus weaken any national belonging to the Jewish faith from fighting for and representing themselves as nationals to the country they live in.Take, for example, David Friedman, the US ambassador to Israel. He is not only Jewish but a hardcore American Zionist who publicly supports the illegal Israeli settlements. He has sided with Israel against the Palestinians, the global community and UN and Security Council resolutions in denying the existence of an occupation in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza.

By declaring Jewishness to be a nationality, and therefore implying that Jews have national rights in Palestine, the US administration has inadvertently created a new problem for Jewish Zionists around the world.

Daoud Kuttab

If one applies the logic of of the US adminisrations decision, it is not clear where Friedmans loyalties lie. Is he an American patriot representing the US in Israel? Or is he representing the state of Israel as a Jew with this newly awarded nationality?When Israel passed the Jewish nation-state law, a similar problem arose. Is the state of Israel a country for all of its citizens, including the 20 percent of the population who hold citizenship but are not of the Jewish faith? The problem was clearly exposed by the experience of the small Druze community, whose sons are now compulsorily conscripted to the Israeli army. Druze leaders suddenly realized they are now declared by law to be second-class citizens.The problem is further complicated by the fact that the Knesset has not been able to come up with a definition of what defines Jewishness, which is one of the main reasons why Israel has yet to agree and approve a constitution. Many Israeli Jews, and the ruling powers in the country, are of the view that only those who follow Orthodox Judaism qualify as true Jews. This position puts them in direct conflict with many Jews around the world. According to a 2017 report published by The Economist, only 10 percent of American Jews are Orthodox, while 35 percent are Reform, 18 percent are Conservative and 36 percent are other or do not identify as belonging to any Jewish denomination.Most Americans are unaware of these complexities and are unwilling to put a stop to them. Most American Jews are totally opposed to the current administration, despite its extreme pro-Israel policies, which have included the move of the US Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and the cutting of support to the UN agency that supports Palestinian refugees.It is not clear whether these policies will survive in the changed political circumstances in Washington and Tel Aviv. However, what is most needed now is for American Jews to stand up and declare who they are, where their loyalties lie and whether they have the courage to support a just solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that is not dependent on extreme, racist Jewish nationalism.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News' point-of-view

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Has the US thrown Jewish Zionists under the bus? - Arab News

Religious Zionist Bayit Yehudi and far-right Otzma Yehudit to run together – The Jerusalem Post

Posted By on December 21, 2019

The Religious Zionist Bayit Yehudi and the far-right extremistOtzma Yehuditparties announced on Friday that they would run together in the upcoming election on March 2.The leaders of the two groups, Education Minister Rafi Peretz and Itamar Ben-Gvir, revealed the decision in a joint statement, inviting National Union leader and Transportation Minister Bezalel Smotrich to join the list.The upcoming elections will be crucial to the future of the State of Israel and the right-wing camp in particular. The public is tired of struggles and disputes, and wants unity in religious Zionism and the right-wing camp: not uniformity, but unity, the statement read. The way to save the right-wing government is uniting all parties to the right of the Likud. We must not find ourselves in a situation where one of the parties does not pass the electoral threshold and as a result, thousands of right-wing votes are thrown away, it added.The two parties, together with the National Union, ran together last April, after a deal brokered by Likud leader and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to avoid the dispersion of votes backing forces that would support a right-wing government. The move was considered controversial and sparked outrage among many, including in the religious-Zionist community, because of Otzmas extreme positions.Otzma is led by disciples of Rabbi Meir Kahane, who was banned from running for the Knesset due to racist incitement.Ahead of the April elections,the party platformseemed to refer to the Arab and Palestinian population in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza as enemies of Israel, stating that the war against the enemies of Israel will be total, without negotiations, without concessions and without compromises.Otzma Yehudit will work to remove the enemies of Israel from our country. A national authority for encouraging emigration will be established. The Jewish People returned to Zion, and the enemies of Israel will return to their countries of origin, the platform stated, among others.According to the agreement reached between the two parties, Bayit Yehudi will choose numbers 1, 4, and 7 on the list, Otzma will choose 3, 6 and 9, and spots 2, 5 and 8 would be for the National Union if it decides to join.In April, the list won five seats. In the September election, Bayit Yehudi and the National Union ran with the New Right Party led by Ayelet Shaked and Naftali Bennett. That Yamina list won a total of seven seats.Otzma Yehudit ran by itself and did not pass the electoral threshold. The announcement that Bayit Yehudi and Otzma Yehudit were joining forces again sparked a new wave of criticism.The Kahane legacy is alive and well, and on its way into the Israeli Knesset only because of Netanyahus legal situation. The coming election represents a decisive moment: a messianic and racist immunity government or a national reconciliation government, Blue and White said in a statement.The decision by Jewish Home to run with the racist, anti-Jewish Otzma Yehudit is a disgrace to religious Zionism. Bayit Yehudi has lost the right to talk about Jewish values, Blue and White No. 2 Yair Lapid added. Outrage was expressed also by Democratic Camp leader Nitzan Horowitz.

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Religious Zionist Bayit Yehudi and far-right Otzma Yehudit to run together - The Jerusalem Post

Troy: McGill is beginning to look like Concordia of 2002 – Canadian Jewish News

Posted By on December 21, 2019

Lets be clear: the legislative council of the Student Society of McGill University is not McGill; the McGill Daily is not McGill; and Students in Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights McGill is certainly not McGill. Nevertheless, theyve succeeded in defining, and defaming, the university.

The many headlines decrying anti-Semitism at McGill should alarm McGillians. Those of us whose professional lives are intertwined with this iconic university face the prospect of McGill looking more like Concordia University in September 2002, when anti-Zionist, anti-Semitic, anti-intellectual thugs prevented Benjamin Netanyahu from speaking there.

After deteriorating for years, the Concordia calamity generated international headlines when pro-Palestinian goons silenced an Israeli statesman, kicked an aging Holocaust survivor, Thomas Hecht, in the groin and threw pennies at other Jews.

At Concordia, and at McGill, anti-Zionism spread, and anti-Semitism sprouted. Its true that, theoretically, one could simply be against Israels policies. But todays irrational, obsessive hatred of Israel, what the legendary computer scientist and philosopher Judea Pearl calls Zionophobia, reflects a deeply ingrained anti-Semitism and expresses itself in vulgar Jew-hatred, from tweets about Jew boys who challenge BDS, to Holocaust-related oven jokes.

At Concordia, as at McGill, we saw that silence is consent. A meek administration, a cowed professoriate what I call the silence of the tenured lambs a distracted (or intimidated) student body, allow an aggressive, spiteful minority to hijack the debate and tar great universities. Unfortunately, it takes decades to build a good reputation and mere seconds along with a few volatile 240-character tweets to knock it down.

Fortunately, at Concordia, as at McGill, we saw that its not that hard to resist these totalitarians, who fear honest debate and an acknowledgment that the Middle East conflict is complex, not black and white. Concordians started noticing that their universitys reputation as Concordistan was overshadowing the good academic work they were doing. In 2003, a student slate called Evolution not Revolution demanded students first, activism second, and attracted a record turnout at student government elections. The students managed to stand up and take back their university. By that time, the administration had become more proactive and the Jewish community had started supporting harassed students.

READ:TROY: THE ANTI-SEMITE CARD IS GETTING OLD

At McGill, the administration, led by Suzanne Fortier, has tried to contain the Zionophobic bullies. But its not easy. When pro-Palestinians pushed a BDS resolution in 2016, Fortier wisely kept quiet at first, not wanting her intervention to trigger a pro-student autonomy backlash that would propel the BDS resolution forward. Once the vote was taken, she denounced boycotts as what they are totalitarian assaults on free speech and the values of openness and mutual respect that are at the foundation of every university.

I wish McGills administrators had more directly called out the anti-Semitism sluicing underneath these attacks. Still, when I compare how McGills leadership has handled these near-constant assaults to most other North American universities, I am filled with admiration.

I dont envy McGills administrators, stuck as they are between these thugs surfing on the dictatorial, doctrinaire politically correct trends that are distorting academia these days and the genuine distress of students who are browbeaten for the crimes of being Jewish or pro-Israel. But just as we have learned that where anti-Zionism treads, Jew hatred follows, weve also seen that when bullies face silence and cowardice, they thrive and when they face protest and courage, they flee.

Beyond the administration, I applaud the heroic student, Jordyn Wright, and all those who rallied around her. To me, they are the real McGill. Fortier and her colleagues are the real McGill. I define McGill by the best among us, not the worst.

These lessons suggest that more of us should stand up and support our student heroes who are fighting against hatred and for free thought.

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Troy: McGill is beginning to look like Concordia of 2002 - Canadian Jewish News

Rereading Amos Oz a year after his death – Mondoweiss

Posted By on December 21, 2019

Reading a piece of literature that has been translated from Hebrew, Amos Oz said in a 1990 lecture at the University of Wisconsin, is like making love through a blanket. I swooned. Oz wasnt just talking to me, though it sure felt like it. I was twenty years old, in a lecture hall with 49 other undergrads taking a Hebrew Literature in Translation course. When Oz spoke, everyone else in the room disappeared. He was good lookinghe had intense blue eyes, a lot of gray and sandy brown hair. He was warm, sensitive, sexy, manly. A true sabra.

Our professor, an Israeli who also chaired the Hebrew and Semitic Studies Department, brought him to speak to our class. Oz talked about the limitations of translation as well as the access it provides. He also discussed his views on the state of contemporary Israeli literature, and opened up to us about his own writing process. It was fall semester. Crisp red and brown leaves dotted the campus. Oz mentioned the sound of them under his feet as he walked to our class. Visiting from Israel where he lived, he said, he didnt experience fall like we did in the midwest.

I grew up reading his books; many of them helped instill my infatuation with Israel. Like the comment to my class, his writing was similarly sexual. He eroticized the land and language of Israel in a way that felt personal and privateand it gave me permission to do the same. To meet him up close in a classroom setting was a deep honor. I was an ardent Zionist at the time, and I could relate. I hung on Ozs every word.

I stopped hanging on years ago when I began to oppose Zionism, but one year after his death (December 28, 2018), Ive been thinking about the intense ways he influenced my modeand eventual undoingof liberal Zionism.

A few weeks after Ozs visit, I sat in the department chairs office asking him about study abroad programs in Israel. I had visited for the first time in high school on an eight-week summer program, but I was dying to return, and for a longer period. The chair wrote me a letter of recommendation to attend Hebrew University of Jerusalem for a Masters degree, which I did, once I graduated.

Of course, Ozs comments like the one he made to our class about the constraints of translated literature werent wrong. You miss out on an authentic experience when you read in translation. The professor of a Nabokov and Dostoyevsky course I took at Hebrew Universityshe had immigrated to Israel decades earlier from Moscowonce told me that nothing in the world compared to reading these two great authors in their original Russian. One afternoon, once I had been living in Israel for a few months, I visited during her office hours. She told me I looked tired, then asked how my Hebrew was coming along. I admitted I felt a constant sort of fatigue living in another country, trying to learn another language. She said my exhaustion would dissipate as my Hebrew improved.

While I was living in Jerusalem, Ozs literature came to life. His prose portrayed an Israel that was mythical and romantican Israel I saw with my own eyes. Once I arrived, I saw first-hand the intense love he narrated so beautifully in his books, like his 1983 In the Land of Israel, for example, where he describes walking alone in his beloved city Jerusalem:

I return to the Damascus Gate by myself late that night. The Al-Fajr building is already locked and dark. Indeed, the Street of Paratroopers is almost deserted. A lone car barrels past the traffic light, which keeps blinking yellowit is well past midnight. On the stone steps of the Plaza near the Damascus Gate sit a few bundled-up figures. Elderly Arabs, their heads wrapped, and a few young Arabs, gathered in a corner of the square, stare silently at me.

I had read In the Land of Israel as an undergrad in the 1990s and I remember the quiet, reflective tone in passages like this one. Studying in Wisconsin, I loved Israel from afar; which is to say, I romanticized the tiny country long before I lived there. Jerusalem was like a long-distance lover I pined for, so that when I moved there in 1992 for graduate school, the Jerusalem I saw was the one presented in Ozs books.

There, in Jerusalem, I saw what Oz saw. My favorite time of day in the city was dusk when the light hit the stone of the city walls like a golden-pink rose. I knew about that light years before I arrived to Israel: I drew it with pink and orange crayons in Hebrew school, sang songs about it at Zionist summer camp, read about it in the JUF newsletter on my parents kitchen table. It wasnt only Ozs books that helped turn me into a liberal Zionist, of course. The efforts to recruit young Jews into a nationalistic fervor for Zionism has long been manufactured, deliberately outlined by other smarter and older Zionists sitting in large offices with millions of dollars, strategizing how to get people like me to fall in love with the land. They made sure it would feel like a private experience that I could only share with other young Zionists who felt the same. Reading Oz simply solidified this growing loveand he personalized it with fantastic prose.

There, in Jerusalem, as I walked through Jaffa Gate, the morning smells of olives and zaatar and lemon and mint wafted through the corridors of the Old City. The Arab store owners opened the doors of their shops and set their items out for the day as they bargained with tourists. By the end of the afternoonwhen the rose light started to hit the stonethe Arab shop owners would start putting away everything that hadnt sold that day. Theyd wash the ancient stone in front of their shops, and theyd do it all over again the next day.

It strikes me now that, like Oz often did, I too, referred to Palestinians as Arabs. I saw them as exotic background scenery like I had read about in his booksfrom there, sort of, insofar as they add to the scenebut with passivity and a lack of legitimacy.

One could argue, of course, that Oz does give voice to Palestinians in his books. In the Land of Israel, for example, is based on conversations Oz had with Palestinians and Israelis throughout the country and he quotes the people he talked to extensively. But the book still has a romanticized, mythical feel to it:

Snow on the graves of the soldiers who died in the war in Lebanon. Snow on the soldiers still fighting in Lebanon to separate the Druses from the Christians in the Shouf Mountains, the Christians from the Palestinians in Tyre and Sidon, to separate curse from curse.

Its a tragic and doomed but beloved land, Oz intimates, and all the players seem to know it. Though Oz traveled around the country on a journey among people of strong convictions, as stated in his 1993 forward to the bookindividuals inclined to exclamation pointshe still maintained a convenient distance from acknowledging Palestinian history.

Instead, Oz chose when to use the word Arab and when to use Palestinian. He referred to Arab villages, Arab laborers, Arab towns, the Israeli-Arab conflict, throughout In the Land of Israel. He asked a settler, who is right, the Arabs or us? Oz enticed readers like me with a seemingly progressive stance. Deeper inside the writing, however, Oz stopped short and unveiled colonialist rhetoric.

But I wasnt thinking about any of that when I was in love with Israel. Like Oz, I stopped short. I believed I could be both a lover of justice and a Zionistthese werent in opposition for me back then. Indeed, Zionism and Judaism were synonymous in my mindand so I relished and romanticized Jerusalem like Oz did.

There, among the cobblestones of Yoel Solomon Street, was Champs Bar, where I fell in love at age twenty-two. A boyfriend in Israel. Tavit was an Armenian-Christian who lived in the Armenian Quarter of the Old City. Unlike me, Tavit was from there. He showed me different parts of the citylittle and big places he knew in East and West Jerusalem as he zig-zagged between both worlds.

There, in a quiet corner of the courtyard behind the noises of Yoel Solomon Street in back of the jewelry store Turquoise, Tavit and I had sex on what I believed were ancient Jewish stones. Even the sounds that snuck over the wall of the courtyard had a calm to them. [T]hat Jerusalem stillness which can be heard, Oz described in In the Land of Israel, if you listen for it, even in the noisiest street. After, we walked back into Champs, giggling, thinking no one knew what we had been up to.

There, In the middle of Zion Square, I met friends in the evenings getting off the buses on Jaffa Road after my grad classes. We exchanged money illegally with the Orthodox guy adjacent to the square, who would only do it when his father wasnt lurking in the shop, where we also bought packs of cigarettesa different brand for each of us as though to assert our various personalities as we smoked.

There, on Ben Yehuda Street, several of us girls locked arms and kicked up our legs and danced when we were drunk. Israelis who worked in the restaurants nearby looked at us and scoffed, tired, for they were working for a living while we drank, our extended student-visas tucked into our American passports in our backpacks. We ate at Apple Pizza and made fun of each other for eating the featured corn and pineapple slices.

There, on the 23 bus we sang out loud our favorite Zionist songsEli, Eli, Halleluya, Yerushalayim shel Zahav, (Jerusalem of Gold) were just a fewas we rode through Palestinian neighborhoods, ignoring, too, the Palestinians on the bus with us we thought of as Arabs.

There, on Jaffa Road near Nahalat Shiva, the bald shop owner sold condoms to Tavit, winking at me as we left the shop to make our way to the corner of the courtyard behind Turquoise. My sexual coming-of-age was inseparable from the ways I sexualized the land. Jerusalem was sex itself (whod rather have sex on a cold stone than a bed?) I remember reading Ozs 1979 Under This Blazing Light in college, where he also sexualized Jerusalem:

Sometimes, when I had nothing better to do, I used to go to Jerusalem to woo herJerusalem is mine, yet a stranger to me; captured and yet resentful; yielding yet withdrawn.

One night, Tavit drove us up a hill and we sat in his car gazing down at the Old City walls with the professed perspective of a wise sagethough it was mostly bravado. Outside it was quiet. We didnt talk. [O]ne felt an urge to sprawl facing the view of the city walls, Oz wrote in A Tale of Love and Darkness, to doze in the shade of the foliage or calmly drink in the silence of the hills and the stone. Tavit said Jerusalem and I both had sexy, curvy hips as we surveyed the citys hills in between its stones. Then he touched my hips. I traced the arch of his eyebrow with my finger, comparing it to the arch of those hills, too.

There, at the Western Wall, my friends and I smoked a joint, dozing on and off all night on the huge stones that look like benches at the back of the plaza, confident the Israeli police on guard would protect us. They laughed when they smelled our weed. We laughed, too, unaware of the extent of our privilege. They refused when we offered it to them, which, of course, we thought was classy. Then we practiced our paltry Hebrew, asking them to correct usgiving them even more power than they already had.

There, in Jerusalems Russian Compound, my friends dared me to kiss an Israeli soldier outside of the bar Glasnost, which was next to the bar Cannabis. Is that your M16 or are you just happy to see me? I asked, though the idiom was lost because I had garbled a few Hebrew words I knew. I smiled and tossed my head back, drunk from the White Russian drinks I had earlier. The soldier, who had striking green eyes and curly black hair, flirted back. My friends started chanting, nshika, nshika, nshika,kiss, kiss, kiss in Hebrewand we began to make out against the bars stone wall. I felt his M16 against my thigh as he pushed himself against me.

My Hebrew got better with each year I spent in JerusalemI would live there five in total before returning here, to Chicagoand I realized my professor had been right. The exhaustion that came with learning another language while living in a foreign country had evaporated.

I often thought about Ozs comment to my class about the limitations of translation. If reading literature translated from Hebrew was like making love through a blanket, as he said, then its opposite was also true. Speaking Hebrew was sexy and raw and real. It was private and intimate, too. It was the language of the land I was in love with.

Of course, Hebrew is also the language of Israels ongoing military occupation of millions of Palestinians who have been dehumanized in Hebrew, evicted and expelled in Hebrew, the language Palestinians routinely hear at checkpoints. But I wasnt concerned with all that. I was thinking about Ozs passage in Under This Blazing Light where he writes that private acts, when done in Hebrew, guarantee youre in the heart of the language:

If you live in Hebrew, if you think, dream, make love in Hebrew, sing in Hebrew in the shower, tell lies in Hebrew, you are inside.

Its true that one develops an intimacy with language. I remember the first dream I had in Hebrew after studying it for years. I woke up with a new confidence with the language that felt very private to me.

It was necessary for Israel, of course, to create a culture around Hebrew after 1948, a phenomenon Motti Regev and Edwin Seroussi, in their 2004 book, Popular Music & National Culture in Israel, call the nostalgic industry. Through Hebrew songsthe same songs I sang on the 23 bus with my friendsthe music became the central Zionist project of inventing a new, native Jewish national culture in Israel. Like someone who has been pre-programmed, my experience of singing with my friendswhile seemingly spontaneoushad already been planned and manufactured by those smarter and older Zionists sitting in their large offices.

In Under This Blazing Light, Oz wrote that the revival of the Hebrew language can indeed be seen as the most certain achievement of Zionism. In the same book, Oz sexualizes Hebrew by comparing it to a woman who teases and taunts:

The New Hebrew is, so to speak, a flirt in heat. One day she is seemingly all yours and completely with you, at your feet, ready for anything, happy for any audacious activity, and all at once youre lying there behind her, flat on her back and a trifle ridiculous, and she runs off to her new lovers

The Hebrew language, like the land itself was flirty, sexual, erotic. These things were true for me. But other things were true, too, like the way my experiences followed the prescribed, contrived formula to get young Zionists like me to fall in linewhile we fell in loveand to have us believe that our experiences were unique and individualized.

Looking back, of course, I can identify cracks in the myth, seeds that were planted along the way, but undoing Zionism was a slow process. In my 30s I began talking with Palestinians and listening to their stories of expulsion and occupation. I started reading Edward Said and Ilan Pappe and Amira Hass and others who had long been writing about Palestine. I visited Palestine and stayed with Palestinians. Once I had undone my Zionism, I saw everything differently.

Now, when I think about the years I lived in Jerusalem in my 20s, it seems fitting that I was hanging out with Armenians and later, Palestinians. I didnt have many Jewish friends in Israel, and the few I did were studying abroad, like I was. Something inside me I could not name knew the land wasnt just for the Jews. Despite the messages I received growing up, I must have felt in my core something unsettling. Regardless of its intense beauty, I began to see Ozs prose as limited. He stopped short, whereas I had gone farther.

Later, in Jerusalem, I returned, after opposing Zionism. There, on Jaffa Road, I saw the city as a backdrop of a play in which I had been a player: Mamilla Mall seamlessly connecting new stones to ancient onesattaching West Jerusalem to Eastby way of fancy shops. Birthright participants spending a night in a Bedouin tent on Day 8 of 10a deliberate scheduling maneuver by those smarter and older Zionists sitting in their large offices who count on the sexual tension that has built up during Days 1-8 between the participants. Before the young Zionists fool around latermany of them for the first time while on their first trip to Israeltheyre served tea by Bedouins theyve been taught to fetishize.

There, in Jerusalem, buses of tourists, young Zionists eager to consummate their love for the land, arrive by the thousands, and are shuffled into fancy hotels. It wasnt quiet. It wasnt calm. I didnt think of the pink light or the stones at dusk.

Now, in Chicago, when I look at Ozs books on my bookshelf, Im not sure what to do. I reread many of them while writing this essay, and Ozs prose was just as beautiful as I remembered. But it was dripping with the liberal Zionism that I grew up with. His books were hard to read. I had spent decades longing for something that was a myth while Palestinians longed for the land that had been taken from them. Oz just couldnt get past his own yearning for the only land he ever loved. [D]o not cut loose from those longings, Oz wrote on the last page of In the Land of Israel, for what are we without our longings?

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Rereading Amos Oz a year after his death - Mondoweiss

Zionists not to have any place in region: Amir-Abdollahian – Mehr News Agency – English Version

Posted By on December 21, 2019

The occupying and terrorist Zionists, who have taken hostage the Judaism, will have no place in the region in the future, said Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, who is also the chairman of the International Conference on Palestinian Intifada.

He lauded a recent decision by the United Nations General Assembly to vote in favor of a Palestinians self-determination, describing it as a big step toward realizing the Palestinian peoples fundamental rights.

Referring to the Iranian proposal for a national referendum in the territory of Palestine, which is aimed at providing the grounds for the people of Palestine to exercise their right to self-determination, Amir-Abdollahian said, The world countries and nations have realizedthat volatility and insecurity, which is threatening Europe nowadays, is the result of the occupation of Palestine and the massacre of its people by the Zionists.

The sole way [to realize Palestinians rights] is to establish the unified country of Palestine, with al-Quds as its capital, he stressed.

Last week, the UNGA voted to extend the mandate for a UN agency supporting Palestinian refugees for another three years amid a cash shortfall triggered by a US decision to cut funding for the body by more than half.

The UNs Fourth Committee on Friday (December 13) approved extending the mandate of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) until June 30, 2023, with 169 votes in favor and nine abstentions, while the United States and Israel voted against.

UNRWA was established in 1949 to provide education, health and relief services as well as housing and microfinance assistance to some 5.5 million registered refugees in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem, as well as in Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

The agency has faced budgetary difficulties since last year after the United States -- its biggest donor -- under the administration of President Donald Trump has taken an increasingly hard-line stance toward Palestine and halted its aid of $360 million to the organization per year.

MNA/4802900

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Zionists not to have any place in region: Amir-Abdollahian - Mehr News Agency - English Version

Russia, Backed by China, Casts 14th UN Veto on Syria to Block Cross-Border Aid – Algemeiner

Posted By on December 21, 2019

Russian and Syrian national flags flutter on military vehicles near Manbij, Syria, Oct. 15, 2019. Photo: Reuters / Omar Sanadiki / File.

Russia, backed by China, on Friday cast its 14th UN Security Council veto since the start of theSyrian conflict in 2011 to block cross-border aid deliveries from Turkey and Iraq to millions ofSyrian civilians.

The resolution drafted by Belgium, Kuwait and Germany would have allowed cross-border humanitarian deliveries for another year from two points in Turkey and one in Iraq. ButSyrian ally Russia only wanted to approve the two Turkish crossings for six months.

Russia and China vetoed the draft resolution. The remaining 13 members of the Security Council voted in favor. A resolution needs a minimum nine votes in favor and no vetoes by Russia, China, the United States, Britain or France to pass.

Deputy UN aid chief Ursula Mueller had warned the council on Thursday that without the cross border operations we would see an immediate end of aid supporting millions of civilians.

December 20, 2019 2:38 pm

That would cause a rapid increase in hunger and disease, resulting in death, suffering and further displacement including across-borders for a vulnerable population who have already suffered unspeakable tragedy as a result of almost nine years of conflict, Mueller said.

Since 2014, the United Nations and aid groups have crossed intoSyriafrom Turkey, Iraq and Jordan at four places annually authorized by the Security Council. In a bid to compromise with Russia, the Jordanian crossing point was dropped by Belgium, Kuwait and Germany from their draft.

The current authorization for the four border crossings in Turkey, Iraq and Jordan ends on Jan. 10, so the Security Council could still attempt to reach an agreement, though some diplomats acknowledged this could now be difficult.

Russia has vetoed 14 council resolutions onSyriasince a crackdown bySyrian President Bashar al-Assad on pro-democracy protesters in 2011 led to civil war. Islamic State militants then used the chaos to seize territory inSyriaand Iraq.

Indonesian UN Ambassador Dian Triansyah Djani told the council on Thursday: The world is watching. The international community is watching. But we are not here to just watch we are here to help and take action It is not about us. It is all about savingSyrian people on the ground.

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Russia, Backed by China, Casts 14th UN Veto on Syria to Block Cross-Border Aid - Algemeiner

The response to the Jersey City shooting exemplifies the dangers of not taking Hasidic Jews seriously – JTA News

Posted By on December 21, 2019

JERUSALEM (JTA) The horrific shooting in Jersey City was unfortunately the third deadly anti-Semitic attack at a Jewish institution in recent years. The victims of this attack were members of the ultra-Orthodox Satmar movement, a Hasidic community known for being insular and conservative.

It was encouraging that this fact didnt minimize the shock and grief felt by the entire Jewish community, who came together in solidarity and were united in collective shock grief in the wake of this horrific event.

A video released by the progressive group Jews for Racial and Economic Justice featured Jews from many denominations sharing their condolences addressing the Satmar community. There were hundreds of donations made to the several online fundraisers established in the wake of the tragedy.

This outpouring of love manifested offline, too, as many secular Jews from all over the United States contacted the bereaved Ferencz and Deutsch families. Some came to express sympathy and solidarity in person.

Despite the deep differences in the Jewish world, our historic bonds run deeper. When tragedy strikes, those differences are insignificant compared to the bonds of brotherhood and common destiny all Jews share. Grief is something most of us are unfortunately intimately familiar with, and loss is something to which we can all relate. And tragically, it is grief and loss that bring us together more than anything else.

But as this tragedy has also brought my Satmar community under the spotlight, the responses from the general public and the wider Jewish world have underscored how little people know about Hasidic Jews, this community in particular.

The reactions were a mix of love and sympathy, but also fascination and curiosity. The unfolding of the tragic events allowed outsiders a rare glimpse into the lives of an otherwise insular community, which from the outside can sometimes look enigmatic and even mysterious.

The attack has compelled many people to look us in the eyes for the first time, and it felt at times as if they were surprised to discover humans who grieve and are in pain staring back at them.

The ultra-Orthodox community is culturally and visibly different than any other group of people with whom you normally interact, and therefore our very existence sometimes provokes a wide range of emotions, from curiosity to contempt.

But it is important to keep in mind that these characteristics can make us easy targets for anti-Semites and othered, sometimes even by our fellow Jews. Some of the assumptions about ultra-Orthodox Jews play into classic anti-Semitic tropes: We are often depicted as stingy, greedy, noisy and unfriendly. On the flip side, our communal piety is also sometimes overly romanticized and glorified.

As a very distinct group, we are easily identifiable and easily branded. It takes only a few headlines to turn us all into slumlords, sexual predators or saints. But we arent any of that. We are a community with shared values and traditions, but that doesnt give us all the same character traits.

Many friends from different Jewish communities have reached out to ask how they can help and what they can do to make the community feel safer. While I cannot speak for the entire community, if there is one lesson to take away from the response to the tragedy, it is this: You may have your own opinions about our way of life, and you may even strongly disagree with it. But when Hasidic Jews are saying they are afraid and feel unsafe, it is the duty of all of us to stand up in their defense. Mere expressions of solidarity are not enough nor is solidarity that comes only after tragedy strikes.

When we are being ridiculed or mocked for the way we dress or speak, it isnt funny, it is worrying. When officials and neighbors in Jackson, New Jersey,or Rockland County, New York, single out Hasidim as bad neighbors or as a threat to our quality of life and tailor zoning laws to limit the communitys natural growth, it should be seen for what it is: good old-fashioned anti-Semitism that eventually leads to the sort of violence we saw last week in Jersey City.

When Hasidim are harassed and targeted online or on the streets, they are not isolated events but a revelation of deeper anti-Semitic hatred that must be uprooted and fought with the same might as any other form of anti-Semitism.

The murderous event didnt happen in a void it came after years of ignoring hate and mockery of Hasidic Jews. Our community hasnt been taken seriously, and it is time for this to change. Jewish solidarity isnt just soul-comforting it saves lives. If we have the support of our Jewish brothers and sisters, we will feel a bit safer in our streets and such tragedies may be prevented in the future.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media.

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The response to the Jersey City shooting exemplifies the dangers of not taking Hasidic Jews seriously - JTA News


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