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Ferndale police investigate fliers tied to hate group – KING5.com

Posted By on December 11, 2019

FERNDALE, Wash. The city of Ferndale says fliers and stickers that were placed around the city are being investigated as being tied to a group known as "Patriot Front." The Anti-Defamation League considers Patriot Front a white supremacist group.

A handful of fliers were still posted around Ferndale on Monday night.

One of the photos appears to target members of indigenous communities. That flier had a map of the United States with the words "Not Stolen, Conquered" in bold letters.

KING 5 reached out to the Lummi Nation but they did not want to talk on camera.

This is not the first time the fliers have popped up in Whatcom County, but some are wondering they might be linked to a recent installation of anti-hate heart sculpture at Ferndale High School.

The heart was built by community members last summer and brought out to several events.

RELATED: Ferndale's resolution against white supremacy includes hidden message

I feel like many people have taken this opportunity to speak out so that folks that may feel intimidated do not know that there are a lot of us who do want this to be a safe community. A place where everybody feels like they can fully participate and live and just feel safe on a daily basis," said Ferndale resident Sara O'Connor, the co-creator of the #NoHate heart at the high school.

Students at Ferndale High School spearheaded the effort to bring the heart there and covered the hallways with more cut-outs of hearts with inspirational messages.

The #NoHate heart may move to another location eventually or could take a permanent spot somewhere in the city.

RELATED: Yard sign for Seattle City Council candidate vandalized with racial slur

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Ferndale police investigate fliers tied to hate group - KING5.com

Local Opinion: Let 2020 be the year of respect, kindness and anti-racism – Arizona Daily Star

Posted By on December 11, 2019

The following column is the opinion and analysis of the writer.

2020 is fast approaching and with it comes the thrill of a New Year starting and for some, this brings concerns for what may be: an increase in hate incidents and/or crimes and increase in hate speech both online and on the streets.

Since the start of 2019, Anti-Defamation League Arizona has called out anti-Semitic and hateful incidents, from Flagstaff to Tucson, 33 times, by standing up for Jewish, African American, LGBTQ, Latino and Muslim communities.

Weve expressed our reaction as disturbed, offended, appalled, concerned, shocked, horrified, troubled and disappointed. Never have we been discouraged, as weve also seen the rapid response by law enforcement and the goodwill of many who stand up against hate.

In November, the FBI released 2018 data on hate crimes.

There were 7,120 hate crimes reported in 2018 thats 20 hate crimes per day. The most numerous hate crimes were race-based. Nearly 50% were directed against African-Americans.

There was a 42% increase on hate crimes against transgender people.

Nearly 60% of religious hate crimes were motivated by anti-Semitism. Since 1991, Jews have been the most common victims of religiously motivated hate crimes in the United States.

The FBI also reported that anti-Hispanic crimes went up 14% an increase for the third consecutive year.

What should be the immediate response in the face of these statistics?

This is a time for mobilization. This is a time for courage. In 2018, we witnessed a 23% increase of anti-Semitic vandalism and harassment incidents in Arizona.

The spread of anti-Semitism is not something seen in far away places. Its happening here in Arizona. Its happening in the greater Phoenix area. Time after time in 2019, we have witnessed the posting and placing of flyers or engraving of swastikas on both public and private spaces. We cannot accept normalization of this age-old trope anywhere.

Tablet Magazine author Carly Pildis wrote what needs to be said every day: I believe we must stand up and fight anti-Semitism. It is our patriotic duty, for anti-Semitism is a threat to all Americans.

This is a time to preserve and strengthen our democracy ensuring the protection of the First Amendment and interests of vulnerable communities. This too is our patriotic duty.

One way the league seeks to make an impact on Arizona communities is through its No Place for Hate initiative. It gives schools and communities an organizing framework for combating bias, bullying and hatred, leading to long-term solutions for creating and maintaining a positive school climate. Currently, the league Arizona partners with 51 schools across the state, touching the lives of over 50,000 students.

Students participating with the initiative sign a resolution of respect at the beginning of the school year. Within that resolution, students pledge to seek understanding; speak out against prejudice and discrimination; support those who are the targets of hate; promote respect; not be an innocent bystander when it comes to opposing hate; and recognize individual dignity and promote intergroup harmony.

From kindergarten to high school, students declare their school is no place for hate.

In anticipation of 2020, wouldnt it be better for all of us to make resolutions mirroring the ones made by these young people?

We can, for the 365 days of the new year, respect one anothers opinion, act kindly to everyone and demonstrate courage in the face of adversity.

Let 2020 be the year of respect, kindness and courage.

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Carlos Galindo-Elvira is the regional director for the Anti-Defamation League Arizona.

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Local Opinion: Let 2020 be the year of respect, kindness and anti-racism - Arizona Daily Star

Bail revoked in ongoing case of East Bay Nazi sympathizer Ross Farca – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on December 11, 2019

A judge in Contra Costa County on Monday revoked bail for Ross Farca, the Concord man accused of threatening to kill Jews, less than two weeks after a federal magistrate judge did the same, ruling that Farca poses a danger to the community and ordering that the 24-year-old be held in federal custody without bail until further notice.

Police in Concord arrested Farca on June 10 after the FBI informed them of threats against Jews posted on a gaming website. Farca was charged with making criminal threats and possessing an illegal assault weapon, and he was released on bail on the condition that he be subject to search and seizure by police at any time.

On Nov. 22, the U.S. Department of Justice issued a press release saying Farca had been arrested again for allegedly making false statements to the U.S. government in an attempt to join the Army dating back to 2017.

U.S. Magistrate Judge Sallie Kim cited concerning behavior by Farca while on pretrial release in her decision to revoke bail, writing in a detention order signed Nov. 27 that no conditions could be fashioned to prevent danger to the community should he be released again.

Farca reportedly used an encrypted email service to communicate with a potential mass shooter while on pretrial release, Kim wrote, despite police having confiscated multiple laptops and a computer tower at the time of his arrest. The interlocutor was described as a San Jose State University student facing charges similar to Farcas. Encryption was used to evade detection by law enforcement, Kim wrote.

The allegations against Farca, as well as his behavior after his arrest, factored into her decision to revoke bail, she wrote. Kim mentioned, among other things, posts linked to Farca that expressed admiration for mass shooters in Poway, California, and Christchurch, New Zealand.

Specifically, the defendant made violent anti-Semitic statements online and demonstrated that he was inspired by recent domestic terrorists in the United States and abroad, she wrote. These factors, among others adduced at the hearing, clearly and convincingly demonstrate that if released the defendant would be a danger to the community.

The online posts linked to Farca are littered with references to weapons and military tactics and demonstrate a fascination with war echoed in the court filings. They mention wanting to find high-value targets and target richness for a mass shooting against Jews and plans to conserve ammo during the attack by using a weapon in semi auto and reloading from dead police officers. Officials say Farca assembled an assault weapon himself earlier this year, using accessories attached to a frame or receiver he bought in February.

Farca who police say demonstrated a fascination with war and weapons dating back years allegedly worried federal agents transporting him last month with extensive questions about their weapons, training and body armor, according to a report on the Nov. 22 bail hearing in the Mercury News.

In 2017 Farca acted on his interests, joining the U.S. Army after allegedly lying about his mental health history on a recruitment form. He was sent to basic training at Fort Benning, Georgia, but was arrested for assault and discharged after about five weeks.

Details from the detention hearing revealed that in 2016, Farca traveled to France in an unsuccessful attempt to join the French Foreign Legion, a branch of the French army open to foreign recruits.

Farcas family and his lawyer said he has autism; details about his psychiatric history were redacted from a recent FBI report. His enlistment in the Army followed multiple refusals by mental health professionals to grant him a waiver. There is no scientific link between autism and violence.

In a statement emailed to J., the San Francisco office of the Anti-Defamation League expressed gratitude to law enforcement in Contra Costa County, the FBI and the U.S. Attorneys Office in what the ADL said were effective efforts to keep our community safe from this potential deadly threat.

ADL welcomes the Contra Costa Superior Courts decision to revoke bail for Ross Farca on the criminal threats and weapons charges against him, read the statement, emailed by senior associate regional director Nancy Appel. Farca allegedly threatened to mass murder Jews, whom he referred to as subhumans, and kill responding police officers. While released on bail, Farcas behavior continued to cause serious concern.

Simply put, Farcas conduct and the threat he poses to the safety of the Jewish community, police officers and others necessitates his detention in both the state and federal criminal cases against him, the statement read.

Farca allegedly used the screen name Adolf Hitler (((6 MILLION))) to communicate deadly threats against Jews on the website Steam, a networking platform for video game enthusiasts.

I currently own an AR15 semi auto rifle but I can buy/make the auto sear and get the M16 parts kit. What do you think of me doing what John Earnest tried to do, but with a Nazi uniform, a June 4 post said. I would get a body count of like 30 kikes and like 5 police officers because I would also decide to fight to the death.

I have already commited enough fu,cked up sheit in my life that I will definitely go to hell even if I change now so there is no point, another post read.

Farca is represented by Joseph Tully of the Martinez criminal defense firm Tully and Weiss in the state case, and by public defenders in the federal case. He is scheduled for a status conference on Dec. 20 before District Judge Jon S. Tigar of the Northern District of California at 9:30 a.m. in Oakland.

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Bail revoked in ongoing case of East Bay Nazi sympathizer Ross Farca - The Jewish News of Northern California

Many American Jews are worried Trumps decision to define Judaism as a nationality and not just a religion will do far more harm than good – Business…

Posted By on December 11, 2019

captionThe White House is seen during the annual national Hanukkah menorah lighting ceremony on the White House Ellipse December 01, 2010 in Washington, DC.sourceMANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images

President Donald Trump plans to sign an executive order which will classify Judaism as a race or nationality instead of just a religion, The New York Times reported on Tuesday, citing three administration officials.

According to The Times, the order will threaten to withhold federal funding for educational bodies who fail to combat discrimination of minority students on their campuses.

The move appears to be targeting the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions movement, or BDS, which encourages various forms of boycott against Israel for what it deems violations of international law. The movement has grown popular on college campuses, and the group holds annual events like Israeli Apartheid Week in order to push their agenda forward.

Though not all Jews are Israeli citizens, and not all Israeli citizens are Jewish, some Jewish groups argue that BDS activism fosters harassment or intimidation of Jews and Israel supporters on campus.

Some critics have suggested that Trumps order might be used by the president to pander to Jewish constituents or as a goodwill gesture towards Israel (a close Trum ally), as the countrys government has taken particular aim at combatting antisemitism and the BDS movement around the world.

Yousef Munayyer, the executive director of the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, told The Times that the move could be used to stifle free speech and silence Palestinian rights activism

Israeli apartheid apologists, Trump included, are looking to silence a debate they know they cant win, Munayyer said.

Halie Soifer, Executive Director at the Jewish Democratic Council of America, said Tuesday that Trumps executive order represented the height of hypocrisy.

If President Trump truly wanted to address the scourge of anti-Semitism he helped to create, he would accept responsibility for his role emboldening white nationalism, perpetuating anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, and repeating stereotypes that have led to violence targeting Jews, she said in a statement. Instead, President Trump continues to view Israel and anti-Semitism solely through a political lens, which he attempts to use to his political advantage.

President Trump is more interested in symbolic gestures that politicize Israel and use Jews as political pawns than actually doing something meaningful to ensure our security and that of Israel, she continued. The timing of this signing reveals this is a PR stunt, plain and simple.

Other Jews expressed similar outrage on social media. Jewish actress and former Saturday Night Live cast member Michaela Watkins said on Twitter that Trumps reclassification of Judaism mirrored sentiments used by white nationalists and Nazi Germany.

This is antisemitism of the highest order, she wrote on Twitter.

Some said the move appears to question whether Jews are really American.

Kelly Weill, a journalist for The Daily Beast, wrote on Twitter that the move gestures at ethno-nationalizing American Jews right out of their country.

Leah Litman, Assistant Professor of Law at the University of Michigan, tweeted that the order questions the nationality of American Jews.

Is this what were calling an executive order that purports to define American Jews as some nationality other than American?

Others said the move would put them in danger of anti-Semitic backlash.

Others claimed the move in itself was anti-Semitic.

The White House did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The order comes at a time when violent anti-Semitic attacks have spiked to levels unseen in decades. According to researchers at Tel Aviv University in Israel, attacks targeting Jews around the world rose 13% in 2018, with more than 400 cases worldwide. Of those cases, one out of four took place in the United States.

According to the Anti-Defamation League, 1,879 anti-Semitic incidents were reported throughout the United States in 2018.

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Many American Jews are worried Trumps decision to define Judaism as a nationality and not just a religion will do far more harm than good - Business...

Katie Hill Wanted Out of Her Marriage. It Ruined Her Life. – The Daily Beast

Posted By on December 11, 2019

One day, Katie Hill was a media-savvy 31-year-old congresswoman from a swing district in California who'd arrived in Washington and immediately found herself in the House leadership. A few months later, she was a piata for the conservative mediaher life in tatters, her office resigned, her challengers delighted.

Like so many of the women villainized by the right, Hills story is complicatedand hers more so because it has elements of #MeToo in the form of a relationship with a staffer. The circus that followed involved an unsurprising cast of right-wing operatives, personal photos, and an angry husband. For the conservative media ecosystem in the age of Trump, it was the perfect storm, a chance to take down a swing-district Democrat by weaponizing the most sensitive aspects of her personal life against her, nearly driving her to suicide, as she shared in a New York Times op-ed Sunday.

When we spoke at a busy breakfast restaurant in midtown Manhattan on a Saturday morning, she dressed casually. Probably one of the most telegenic young members of Congress, one can see how she ended up featured on Vice News and in the movie Bringing Down the House. Hill spoke of her experience clearly. She told me some of how shed found herself pushed into that dark state of mind in the first place. Katie Hills story begins with, as she tells it, her soon-to-be-ex-husband, Kenny Heslep.

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Katie Hill Wanted Out of Her Marriage. It Ruined Her Life. - The Daily Beast

A Right-Wing Polish Politician Is Suing a Curator for Commissioning a Memorial to Victims of the Holocaust – artnet News

Posted By on December 11, 2019

A Polish art historian and curator who commissioned a memorial to victims of the anti-Jewish pogroms is being sued for defamation by an incoming member of parliament.

After Tomasz Kitliski commissioned the work,titled Judenfrei by the artist Dorota Nieznalska,for the Open City Festival in Lublin, the regions far-rightnationalist governor Przemysaw Czarnek demanded its removal because he considered it anti-Polish.Kitliski defied the order.

In October, Czarnek took to state television to object to the work, which takes its name from a Nazi term for a region that had been cleansed of Jews. Memorializing the victims of the Holocaust is a touchy subject in Poland. Since 2018, the countrys government has made it illegal to blame Poland for the atrocities committed on its soil by the Nazis during the Holocaust.

Nieznalska said she was not surprised that a government official called for the removal of her work. In Poland, there has been an official ban on criticizing historical memory for a long time, she told Artnet News in an email. In this case, of course, it was a denial of the fact that the Poles pogromed the Jewish community during or just after World War II.

The artwork came down after the festival ended on October 11, but the controversy flared up again when the Marie Curie-Skodowska University in Lublin, whereKitliski teaches, awarded Czarnek an honorary medal. In response, the art historian took to the internet to protest the celebration of the politician.

The governor of Lublin Region prides himself in offending Ukranians, Muslims, the LGBT community, and women, for whom he sees no social role other than the reproduction of children, he wrote in an online letter, reported by theArt Newspaper.

Dorota NieznalskasJudenfreiat the Open City Festival in Lublin, Poland. Photo courtesy of the artist and Tomasz Kitlinski.

Czarnek is now taking legal action. He has the backing of Radio Maryja, a religious radio station thats been condemned by the Anti-Defamation League, and which airs regular criticism of Kitliski. Shouldhe be found guilty, Kitliski could spend up to two years in jail, the maximum penalty forslandering a public officialunder Polish penal code.

Kitliski plans to mount a defense on the grounds of free speech, which is protected in the Polish Constitution. Whats happening to me is also a threat to the Polish art world, Kitliski told the Art Newspaper. Our tradition here of critical art will be threatened, punished, and destroyed.He sees the case against him as a way for the government to send a signal of intolerance to the population at large.

Intellectuals from around the world have spoken out inKitliskis defense. A petition decrying the wave of ultra-nationalist far-right social prejudice that is working its way into the institutions of Poland and supportingKitliski has nearly 760 signatories,including literary scholar Irena Grudziska Gross, Courtauld art historian Sarah Wilson, and Los Angeles artist Simone Gad.

The New School in New York City, where Kitliski received a Fulbright scholarship, has called on its community to support Kitliskis freedom of speech and his fight against racism, xenophobia, and homophobia in Poland by adding their names.

The case of Tomasz Kitliski, saidNieznalska, the artist behind the pogrom memorial, is proof of the lack of democracy, free speech in Poland.

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A Right-Wing Polish Politician Is Suing a Curator for Commissioning a Memorial to Victims of the Holocaust - artnet News

The Forgotten Jew Who Belongs in the Pantheon of Great 20th-Century Composers – Mosaic

Posted By on December 11, 2019

Cheers, bravos, and five curtain calls greeted the shattering finale to Mieczysaw Weinbergs Piano Trio in A minor: a work written in Moscow in 1945 and performed in late October of this year at Londons Wigmore Hall as the climax of an entire day devoted to Weinbergs chamber music. The great Polish-Soviet Jewish composer was born 100 years ago, on December 8, 1919, and his centenary year has seen numerous performances by important artists in major venues as well as conferences and books devoted to his work.

Still, until now, very few have heard of him. This has been a source of frustration to those who have worked closely with his music, or who are familiar with his harrowing, Holocaust-themed opera The Passenger, his delightful Sixth String Quartet, or his 21st symphony (Kaddish)as powerful a musical commemoration of the victims of 20th-century tyranny as is to be found anywhere.

Mirga Grainyt-Tyla, chief conductor of the City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra, had this to say about her experience of performing and recording the Kaddish Symphony, which she calls a sonic monument for the tragedy of the 20th century:

Its an epic. . . . The second movement is maybe one of the most beautiful adagios I know. Im burning to do more. As I get to know Weinberg better, each new piece is greater than the last. I think he will be an exploration for a whole lifetime.

Her recording of this work features the world-renowned violinist Gidon Kremer, whose excited reaction to the Kaddish Symphony echoes hers:

It was actually as if one had discovered Mahlers [non-existent] Eleventh Symphony. A musical monument that sets to music one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century.

Why Weinbergs name is still relatively obscurecertainly as compared with that of his great friend and contemporary Dmitri Shostakovichis explored in a recently published book about him by Daniel Elphick. The reason, Elphick ventures, can in part be found in controversies over questions of heritage and identity. Academic conferences have broken down into arguments of cultural ownership, writes Elphick, with the crude determiner our used on multiple occasions to make the claim that Weinbergs music might belong to any one particular group or nation.

But however beguiled academics might be by the issue of whether Weinberg and his music are to be regarded as Polish, Russian, or Jewish (or all three), the question is wholly irrelevant to an appreciation of the indisputably high quality of his music, or of the man who wrote it.

Weinbergs work first crossed my own musical horizon after Id been performing Yiddish songs in Washington for Pro Musica Hebraica, an organization devoted to retrieving important but neglected Jewish classical music. Robyn Krauthammer, the organizations chief executive, sent me a private recording of an ARC Ensemble concert. I listened to it blind. All of the pieces were of interest, but one was right up there with the greatest chamber music of the 20th centuryby, for instance, the likes of Shostakovich, Arnold Schoenberg, or Bla Bartk. It was the extended final movement of Weinbergs piano quintet: harmonically complex and demanding to play but passionate, utterly sincere, immediately memorable.

Encouraged by Pro Musica Hebraica to put together a song program focusing on mid-20th-century Jewish composers, I found once again that the music of one, Mieczysaw Weinberg, stood out. Given the size of his output, which includes over 200 solo songs, it became entirely feasible to devote an entire program just to him.

Weinbergs life story is a biography of 20th-century Central Europe itself, in all of its tragedy and horror. His grandfather and great-grandfather had been among the 49 Jews killed in the 1903 Kishinev pogrom, and his father might well have suffered the same fate had he not left for Warsaw several years earlier.

Both of his parents were musicians, his mother Sura Stern a singer and his father Shmuel a violinist who had begun playing at the age of seven, eventually attaching himself to a touring group of which he became both conductor and chorus master.In 1916, Shmuel joined the Warsaw Jewish Theater; in recordings from 1929-30 on the Syrena label, one can hear performances of him conducting liturgical pieces with the cantor Jacob Koussevitsky and Yiddish melodies with the singer Giza Heiden.

The young Mieczysaw, Metek to friends and family, began his own musical education playing the violin alongside his father at the Warsaw Jewish Theatre and at Jewish weddings. When I was six I followed him, the son would later recall, and went to listen to all these low-quality but very heartfelt melodies. . . . [Later] I took gigs at Jewish weddings where I would play folklore songs, mazal tovs, [and] accompany the cantors. . . . Then at night I would play in a cafe: foxtrots, waltzes, slow dances.

A native Polish speaker, Mieczysaw lacked Hebrew but understood (even if he could not speak) Yiddish. When the Germans invaded in September 1939, he fled to Minsk in Soviet Belorussia with his younger sister Esther, only for Esther to turn back complaining that the shoes hurt her feet. She would be interned with her parents in the d ghetto and eventually murdered with them in the Trawniki concentration camp.

With the Nazi invasion of Belorussia in 1941, Weinberg was forced to flee again, this time a distance of 3,000 miles to Tashkent, where many of Russias intellectual and artistic community had been evacuated. There he met his first wife, Nataliya, daughter of the great Russian Jewish actor Solomon Mikhoels.

An early song cycle, Acacias, composed in Minsk in 1940, reveals a twenty-year-old composer still under the influence of Impressionism. But he was also becoming familiar with the modernist music of Shostakovich, which he had first encountered a year earlier at a performance in Minsk of the composers Fifth Symphony. I was staggered by every phrase, every musical idea, he would later remember, as if a thousand electrical charges were piercing me.

Shostakovich would have an enormous impact on Weinbergs development, and not only musically. Impressed by the score of Weinbergs First Symphony, possibly sent to him by Mikhoels, the Russian master invited the young man to come and reside in Moscow. There, living in close propinquity as neighbors, the two became close friends and colleagues, and would regularly play through one anothers scores sitting four-hand at the piano. (An electrifying recording survives of the two playing Shostakovichs Tenth Symphony.) Weinbergs name appears more frequently than any other in the Russian composers diary.

Following his move to Moscow, Weinbergs forward progress can be measured by his 1943 settings of I.L. Peretzs Yiddish childrens verse. In these superficially simple songs, some of his musical and compositional hallmarks are already starting to become apparent: the darkness always lurking beneath the surface of even the most apparently light-hearted melodies, the constant search for something new to say musically, the through-written nature of the compositions themselves. Already in these songs, Weinbergs music mows relentlessly past conventional bar-lines; key signatures, similarly, are taken as fluid rather than fixed, and deviations from them (accidentals) are abundant.

Nor does Weinberg display any particular reverence for the instruments he writes for, human or otherwise. Singers are stretched to the extremes of their range, pianists require a hand span like the one notoriously demanded by the composer Sergei Rachmaninov. In short, Weinberg has something to say, and the performers task is to find the means of expressing it. As, decades later, he would write rather portentously to his wife:

A composer is someone who can illuminate with his own lightnot like anyone elseswhat lies within each of us.

Traditionalism, avant-gardism, modernism have no meaning. Only one thing is important: that which is yours alone. . . . But to be a composer isnt a pastime, its an eternal conversation, an eternalsearch for harmony in people and nature. Its a search for the meaning and duty of our short-lived existence on the earth.

It may be in keeping with this grand pronouncement that the search for meaning and duty in Weinbergs music is often so idiosyncratic and ambiguous, to the point where his own actual attitude can be difficult to place or define. Thus, an ode to Stalin, written in 1947, one of his Opus 38 settings of Soviet poetry, appears to be a four-square celebration of the dictators achievements. But is that because the circumstances surrounding its compositionthe Soviet Unions recent triumph over the Naziswere such that the composer himself, despite his own bitter experience of Stalinist autocracy, might have been carried away by the poems euphoria? Or is the atonal coda at the end of each verse a subtle compositional subversion of an otherwise triumphal paean?

A year after the writing of these songs, Weinbergs famous father-in-law Mikhoels was murdered on Stalins orders, possibly because of his participation in a group documenting Soviet collaboration in the Nazi Holocaust. Tarred by association, and accused of Jewish bourgeois nationalism, Weinberg himself became something of a pariah.

Prikaz 17, a diktat circulated to every musical institute in the USSR, listed all of the musical works banned by the regime. Among them was Weinbergs great Sixth String Quartet (1946). Like so many of his finest works, it would not be performed until decades latereven though, as Elphick writes, its excellence was already great enough to reveal the comparative lack of quality in Shostakovichs early essays in the [same] genre.

Eleven years would pass before Weinberg wrote another string quartet. In total he composed seventeen, a cycle that ranks as one of the most important of its kind in the 20th century.

By February 1953, on one pretext or another, he was thrown into jail, confined to a cell so small he was unable to lie down. Shostakovich interceded on his behalf with Lavrentiy Beria, head of the NKVD, but to no avail. Had Stalin not died two months later, it is highly likely he would have been sent to the gulag.

In his 1956 song cycle The Gypsy Bible, dedicated to Shostakovich, Weinberg continued a lifelong creative relationship with an idealized version of his native Poland, embodied for him in the work of the great Polish-Jewish poet Julian Tuwim. A photo shows Weinberg at work, a complete edition of Tuwims poetry on his desk, a photograph of his friend and mentor Shostakovich on the adjacent wall.

Throughout this song cycle, Weinbergs music is infused with Jewish folk idioms. In one of them, his setting of the harrowing poem ydek (Little Jew)written by Tuwim in 1933, the poem is a direct take on the parlous state of pre-war Central European JewryWeinberg quotes Shostakovichs musical signature (the notes D, E-flat, C, B, yielding the letters DSCH) in accompaniment to the phrase lost in the huge, foreign, inimical world.

In 1966, Weinberg was invited back to Poland for the Warsaw music festival as one in a delegation of Soviet composers. It was his first visit to the country since fleeing in 1939. The experience was not a good one. If it were not shattering enough to behold the city of his childhood almost completely destroyed (though, miraculously, his family home survived) and finally to confirm the fate of his parents and sister, he found himself ostracized by his Polish musical contemporaries.

Thereafter Weinberg would distance himself from Poland and its culture. Only in his Ninth Symphony, in the opera The Passenger, and in the song Memorial, dedicated to his mother, did he set any texts by Polish authors. Memorial also contains a reference to one of his earliest works, Mazurka, which he also drew on for his Sixteenth Quartet dedicated to his sister, Esther, who would have been sixty in the year of composition. As Elphick notes:

The thematic material of this quartet, especially in the fourth movement, represents some of Weinbergs strongest re-engagement with Jewish music in his later period. Weinberg had suffered with the loss of his family throughout his life; it seems to have become far more intensely felt during his final decades.

From the 1970s on, the eventfulness of Weinbergs life diminished in direct proportion to the increase in his musical output, which would grow to include six operas and a huge symphonic cycle. Shostakovichs death in 1975 was a double blow: the loss both of a close personal friend and of his most important musical mentor.

A year later, in his Opus 116 cycle of settings of the 19th-century Russian poet Vasily Zhukovsky, he tackled songs relating to loss and transience, some of them quite exquisite while also marking a return to the Impressionist tonality of his earliest work: sparse piano accompaniments interwoven with the vocal line to evoke colors appropriate to the pervasive melancholy of the themes.

In the late 1980s, Weinberg was diagnosed with Crohns disease. Tommy Persson, a Swedish aficionado of his music, procured for him medicine unavailable in Russia. I have to complain to you about the Creator, Weinberg joked on one occasion. As you can see, His idea of old age was not a success. In the winter of 1995, he discussed with his second wife, Olga Rakhalsky, the possibility of converting to Orthodox Christianity, and in February 1996, a few weeks before his death, was baptized into that faith.

As a Jew, Weinberg had always been religiously non-observant, but he was culturally Jewish enough to agree to being designated as Jewish rather than Polish upon entering the Soviet Union. As for the decision to convert, his daughter Anna (by his second marriage) claims it was made entirely in his right mind. That claim would be disputed by Victoria, his first daughter by Nataliya Vovsi-Mikhoels, who in support cited a statement by Anna that in his last months Weinberg had lost his mind, suffered very much, and did not understand what was happening around him. In that case, concluded Victoria, What kind of voluntary baptism can we talk about?

For her own part, Weinbergs second wife Olga insisted that he had considered the decision to be baptized for about a year and at the end of November [1995] . . . asked that a priest baptize him. A month later, . . . Weinberg was baptized in his right mind and died in full consciousness.

He was buried next to his mother-in-law in the Russian Orthodox cemetery at Domodedovo, close to the Moscow airport.

To lovers of his music, it is tempting to interpret Weinbergs conversion as a last laugh, a final, protean twist intended to confound those who tried (and still try) to define him through prisms of religion and nationality.

Indeed, Soviet critics had praised his music particularly for its Jewishnessparadoxically, the same Jewishness that would subsequently lead to the musics being proscribed and imprisoned. And, whether consciously or subconsciously, that music certainly brims with Jewish motifs, with the Holocaust being one constant refrain.

Like so much else, Weinbergs settings of the Yiddish verse of Shmuel Halkin (1897-1960) remained unpublished during his lifetime. Halkins Tifeh griber, royteh leym (Deep Pits, Red Clay), written in 1943 in full awareness of the Nazi horror and, not least, the destruction of his own family, is believed to be the poets response to the terrible September 1941 massacre at Babi Yar outside Kiev, where 34,000 Jews were murdered.

Halkins poem ends, or almost ends, with an ambiguous vision of children one day playing above the now overgrown death-pits. Weinberg was later to make his setting of the poem into the theme of the last movement of his Sixth Symphony, in which it is sung by a childrens chorus. Arguably the most powerful classical Holocaust song ever penned, it achieves its effect through a typically Weinbergian restraint, beneath which simmers the horror of the events being described. He allows the musicians full rein only at the very end, after the vision of the playing children, in the closing line, az der vay zol nit ariber.

But what does the line mean? Lest the agony prevail? Or Lest the agony pass away? The stark ambiguity, enabled by the nuances of the Yiddish adverb ariber, haunts the music as well.

Weinbergs finest song cycle may be his 1960 settings of Russian translations of Sndor Petfi,the 19th-century Hungarian revolutionary and national poet. Yesli by (Only if), in which the poet describes God allowing the speaker to choose the method of his death, ends with a celebration of Svaboda (freedom)the same word that concludes Weinbergs 1947 ode to Stalinbut whereas in the earlier usage Weinberg was apparently only paying lip-service to the dictator, here the music rings true to the words. Freedom, Freedom, you are the supreme heavenly being becomes an impassioned cry, finishing on a sustained top note in which the idea of creative freedom must have become, as in the song, more cherished by Weinberg than love itself.

The same song makes an appearance in The Passenger, his greatest opera, an evocation of Auschwitz based on a novel of the same title by the Polish author Zofia Posmysz. Sung by the heroine Marta, the song becomes the works central aria.

The Passenger was composed by Weinberg in 1968 but not given its first performance (in Moscow) until 2006, ten years after his death, and not fully staged until 2010. How galling the long wait must have been for Weinberg, who named the opera as his most important work, adding, All my other works are The Passenger also. Shostakovich considered it a masterpiece, but after having been scheduled for performance at the Bolshoi it was quietly dropped and theater managers were advised not to stage it.

No doubt the dominant factor in its silencing was the Soviet attitude toward Holocaust commemoration. What had happened on Russian soil was to be treated as a national disaster, not just one affecting the Jewish populationand certainly not one in which even the slightest hint of Soviet complicity could be tolerated.

Ironically enough, Weinberg and his librettist Alexander Medvedev, taking their cue from the novel (and perhaps hoping they could thereby avoid provoking the Soviet censors), had not actually focused on the Jewish experience of Auschwitz. Instead, they set the opera in the womens camp, where Posmysz herself had been held, and featured mainly Polish, Russian, and Greek characters. Only the French inmate was given an explicitly Jewish identity.

Imprisoned by the Soviets for its allegedly Jewish theme, in America, to compound the irony, The Passenger would be criticized as too international. Reviewing its performance at New Yorks Lincoln Center in 2014, a writer in Tablet called it an opera set in the killing factory known for subtracting Jews from the world, and it subtracts Jews. Readers commenting on the review concurred, with one opining that many Holocaust deniers in the world will use this as proof that Jews were not special victims of Nazi Germany, and another asserting that removing or minimizing the uniquely Jewish experience of the Holocaust is just one form of Holocaust denial.

Taking the irony still farther, the general director of the Israeli Opera, in a speech delivered before this years Tel Aviv premiere of The Passenger, re-universalized its message by claiming its heroine Marta as, in effect, an Anne Frank for our day. The message we need to bring to humanity, he intoned, is about the danger of nationalism and populism, which have once again been rearing their heads.

To Daniel Elphick in his book about Weinberg, the composers blend of identities and their overarching humanist message, and not just in The Passenger, is ultimately what makes [his] music so powerful. Weinbergs music, he writes, tells us something very complex, honest, optimistic and fatalistic, about what it means to be human, and the loves and losses that occur as a result.

Be that as it may, I return to what I said early on: what will ultimately guarantee Weinbergs place in the pantheon of great 20th-century composers is the sheer musical genius of so much of his vast oeuvre. Rather than categorizing him in terms of nationality, religion, politics, or credo, we do better to let his music engage and stir us with its mastery, its force, its beauty, and its depths of emotional power. All other questions are secondary.

See the article here:

The Forgotten Jew Who Belongs in the Pantheon of Great 20th-Century Composers - Mosaic

Election Watch: The Jewish Women Leading the Fight Against Anti-Semitism in Britain – Tablet Magazine

Posted By on December 11, 2019

On 12 September 2015, Jeremy Corbyn, a hard-left politician with little public profile and no tangible achievements in a parliamentary career stretching back almost a third of a century, was elected leader of the Labour Party and set about transforming British politics, perhaps forever. Corbyns election stunned Britain. In hindsight, it turned out to be the beginning of a larger global anti-liberal backlash that would see Corbyn joined by Donald Trump and other fringe politicians who would rise to power on the strength of their disdain for perceived elitist norms.

A lot has happened since Corbyn arrived: The Tories have changed prime ministers twice, the Corbyn-led Labour Party lost a national election to Theresa Mays Tories; Britain voted to leave the European Union 52%-48%. Meanwhile, the Labour Party, once the natural home of British Jews, has seemingly gone to war with them.

On Thursday, Britain will again go to the polls. According to a recent survey conducted by the Jewish Chronicle only 7% of British Jews are considering voting Labour an astonishing collapse of support for what was once British Jewrys party of choice.

A Timeline of the British Labour Partys Anti-Semitism Crisis Over the Past 18 Months (click through to expand image)

If Corbyn wins, 47% say they might leave Britain. On Friday, Dec. 6, 2019, YouGov, Britains most famous polling agency, gave Boris Johnsons Tories a 43% to 33% lead over Corbyns Labour. Yet polls put the previous Prime Minister Teresa May far ahead of Corbyn in the 2017 election, only for him to outperform expectations. If there is a no clear winner this time, Labour can enter a coalition with the Liberal Democrats or the Scottish National Party. The Tories remain alone.

Labour anti-Semitism has cleaved Britains political and intellectual classes; it has sundered friendships, and further divided the countrys elite. But it has done something else, too. It has forced British Jews to reconsider what it means to be British by making them confront an undeniably resurgent anti-Semitism. The confrontation with Labour anti-Semitism has in turn helped to elevate a new group of unofficial Jewish leaders, a group of accomplished womenall secular, and all for whom their Judaism was once only secondary to their lives.

As Labour anti-Semitism has made many British Jews question what sort of country they are living in. British Jewry correctly has two histories. Britain is the home of the blood libel, which was first given form in 1144 when the Jews of Norwich were falsely accused of the ritual murder of a young boy called William. It is also the home of the 1190 massacre of the Jews of York. In 1290, Edward I expelled all Jews from the country, in which they were not to legally set foot in again until 1656. It is the country of Shakespeares Shylock and Dickens Fagin. At the same time, Britain is also the country of the Balfour Declaration and the home of the armed forces that stubbornly resisted and eventually helped defeat Hitler, as well as the source of the Mandatory Authority that fought a bitter war against the Jewish underground in Palestine while banning Jewish immigration to the country before and during the Holocaust. It is also the country of Benjamin Disraeli and Amy Winehouse.

So how dangerous is Labour anti-Semitism? How does it manifest in the digital age and how much worse will it get? How are Jews fighting back? And in the end, what truly defines diaspora communities in the age of the Jewish state?

* * *

My mum is Jewish and my dad is Manchester United, says Rachel Riley as she sips a cup of herbal tea. Riley is the star of Channel 4s cult TV program Countdown. With a math degree from Oxford, she solves number puzzles at vertiginous speed for viewers across Britain. She is blond-haired and blue-eyed: the embodiment of the photogenic daytime TV star, and now one of the most high profile voices in the fight against Labour anti-Semitism. I first met Riley back in February at a pub in West London right by the Chelsea soccer stadium, and the story she told me was one that I would come to hear again and again over the following months: about how anti-Semitism has birthed an awakening of her Jewish identity.

If you want to understand what Jeremy Corbyn has done to British Jewry then Riley is the exemplum. Before he came to power, her Judaism, while present, was peripheral. As a kid I knew I was Jewish, but I didnt do anything particularly religious, she says. And I have blond hair, and my name is RileyI dont look like a typical Jew. In school, I would sing to Jesus during morning hymns. And as soon I knew what the term atheist meant, I thought: That sounds like me.

And Jewish identity is different anyway, because it is not just a religion, its not just a race, its not just a culture, its not a simple identity, its everything and nothing at the same timeand its all mixed up.

And then she pauses, and says evenly and clearly: But the stuff to do with anti-Semitism: I own that part of my identity absolutely. There is no conflict. None.

She leans back and starts to talk more. Ive always known that to have one Jewish grandparent meant you would be killed in Auschwitz. I look at my nephew who is 2 years old and he doesnt know what being Jewish is, this little blond-haired, blue-eyed kid running around, chasing his cats. And I know that he would have been killed, and he wouldnt have been allowed to have cats.

This type of uncompromising, historically informed self-identification is now more or less normal for British Jews. When Corbyn came to power he was an unknown to the British public, although some watchers of the extremist space in the U.K. were alarmed: Here was a man who had spent 30 years supporting the worst kind of Holocaust deniers and Islamists and anti-Semites; who had referred to Hamas and Hezbollah as his friends; invited the blood libel cleric RaedSalah to the Houses of Parliament, and indeed campaigned for him; had associated with Holocaust denier Paul Eisen and had laid a wreath for the Munich terrorists, to name just a few episodes in a long career of squalid political interventions, of the type associated with the university left. But did any of that matter?

The answer has turned out to be yes. Since Corbyn took power, anti-Semitism has seeped into the bloodstream of the Labour Party. To list all of the scandals would be impossible here, but since 2015 Labour has suspended its twice-elected former mayor of London, Ken Livingstone (he eventually quit) for saying that Hitler was a Zionist before he went mad; expelled its MP for Derby North Chris Williamson for saying that the party had been too apologetic in its handling of the anti-Semitism issue; seen footage of Corbyn saying that British Zionists, despite having lived in this countryprobably all their livesdont understand English irony, and witnessed him defend an unequivocally anti-Semitic mural. Perhaps most egregious of all, the party is now under formal investigation by the Equalities and Human Rights Commission over charges the party has systematically and unlawfully discriminated against, harassed or victimized people because they are Jewish. To put this in perspective: The only other party to have gone before the ECHR is the British National Partya Nazi-adjacent party.

Riley, like so many other Jews (and indeed non-Jews) was appalled. She began to tweet her horror, and to embrace her long-dormant Jewish identity; and she began to study the history of her people. But she didnt read Josephus or study the Torah or the Talmud. She looked at something else entirely. Its not about religion, she says, leaning across the table. Its not about wearing a hat and having curls. It was anti-Semitism that made me look at Jewish history and everything Ive had to learn about this whole horrible saga has nothing to do with religion. Zero. Ive had to learn history; Ive had to learn geopolitics; and Ive had to learn about anti-Semites stretching from Russia through Germany through England and through the Islamic world to ancient Rome.

Ive not had to learn anything about the Jews, she concludes, because its not about them. Its about the anti-Semites.

Identity is based on dichotomy; we create its foundations through demarcation from the other. But Riley was doing something more; she was seeing Jewish history as constructed by its enemies: the anti-Semitesthat constant of the Jewish storybecause what defines non-religious, assimilated, diaspora Jews as Jews if not those who would single us out?

And so Rachel Riley, enemy of anti-Semitism, was born. Talking to her, occurs to me that, along with a few others (all of them women) she is in her own, small way, a modern-day Esther, the Persian princess who lived in the land of Shushan (modern-day Iran). Like the biblical Esther, Riley lives among the diaspora, is not religious, and has happily assimilated, until one day a threat to the community forced her to embrace her Jewishness in the face of sustained and intense hate.

The response is of course predictable. It ranges from Jews bite the dicks of babies, give them herpes, suck their blood to Ive got the blood of Palestinian children on my hands, Im evil and I call everyone an anti-Semite without any evidence, she sighs. And then there is the misogyny. It has been suggested that the only explanation for me not liking Jeremy Corbyn must be that I was abused as a child; I have a fear of all men. I saw a woman, a grandma, tell me that I was doing this to get the attention of Jeremy Corbyn because I wanted to give him a blowjob.

And of course, no modern trolls toolkit is complete without gaslighting. Theyll say, wheres your evidence? at the bottom of the thread of evidence, Riley relates. It doesnt matter where you get the evidence from, theyll discredit the publication, and theyll post links to their fake news websites as proof because we are really living in parallel universe of information with websites that just pump out poison and dont care about facts.

* * *

In the digital age, trolls have an ability to flood the public sphere. But why are they so successful? I spoke with Imran Ahmed, the chief executive of the Center for Countering Digital Hate, an organization that works to combat online misogyny, homophobia, anti-Semitism, Islamophobia and anti-black racism. Organized hate actors use trolling for three reasons, he told me. First, to intimidate opponents into shutting up; second, to gain new recruits through the inadvertent amplification mechanism by which people, outraged, retweet or quote tweet trolls, thus giving them exposure.

The third reason people troll, Ahmed explained, is to change social norms. The most powerful thing about social media is that likes and re-tweets have replaced expertise and experience as social proof, he said. Now we look to the number of social interactions to prove the worthiness of an idea, and to prove that its a normal belief and therefore, OK for us to believe too. And this incredibly potent social mechanism is rapidly changing societal norms and behaviour for the worse, because they are being exploited most ambitiously by hate actors.

Ahmed believes that we are witnessing an outbreak of virulent, Nazi level anti-Semitism in British politics made possible because of the power of popular social media platforms that give ideologues access to everyday people. As Ahmed explains it, under normal circumstances, no one would knowingly put themselves in a position where they were listening to propaganda by hate actors. But thats precisely what we do when we start to use social media. We allow hate actors to proselytize to us, and to shape our understanding of the world and our political beliefs.

Trolling also allows fringe believers and haters to punch above their weight. While the number of dedicated trolls is actually small it only takes a few to cause havoc. And of course when something major happens, for example, a flashpoint incident in British politics, or in the debate of anti-Semitism, says Ahmed, what you will often see is coordinated targeting of specific individuals in what are called troll storms, which then gain further attention because of the trending mechanisms within social media platforms which both identify trends and promote them to more users.

But there is a particular link between trolling and anti-Semitismone I first noticed when I began to research my last book War in 140 Characters: How Social Media is Reshaping Conflict in the Twenty-First Century. As I trawled the chat boards and forums, I found that anti-Semitic conspiracy theory often dominated the political conversationand it did so because anti-Semitism isnt simply another form of hatred. It is the theological loadstone of the fringe. As Anthony Julius, the lawyer for Deborah Lipstadt in the David Irving trial, told me: If you want to play a political game, anti-Semitism is incredibly attractive because of its immense plasticity. You can complain about Jews as capitalists, you can complain about Jews as communists or internationalists. You can complain about Jews in relation to Middle East politics, you can complain about them in relation to international banking institutions. Its the gift that keeps on giving, which is why anti-semitism has become a central organizing principle for haters and certainty-seekers on both the left and the right.

Understanding how anti-Semitism functions as the theological loadstone of the fringe helps explain how Jeremy Corbyn was able to mainstream hard-core anti-Semitism among the supposed anti-racists of the Labour Party in such a remarkably short period of time. Corbyn was the leader of the Labour fringe, for whom anti-Semitism is a key organizing principle. When he came to power, they came with himarmed with the online trolling and meme-generating abilities that they had honed over years in order to be heard. The result is a perfect storm of hate, with Jewish women being the most prominent targets.

Riley has been attacked daily ever since she began speaking out. Im not known as being political, not known as being a Jew, she tells me. Im known as being an advocate for girls in maths, doing animal charity stuff, and just being a geek. Im a TV

presenter but a lot of my work is with corporates where I lend my image or name to projects. And my timeline is now just overrun with Labour anti-Semitism and hatred and theres all kinds of smears and lies and rumors and stories about me. But I cant just sit around and wait and see what happens. In the beginning, a few of us spoke out and then we waited for the heavyweights of the Jewish community to come along and take the reins. But they never came.

* * *

Whenever I give lectures on social media I make an analogy. There is an old saying: The guy that invented gambling was brilliant, but the guy that invented chips was a genius. My take on this is that the people who invented social media were brilliant but the people who invented the language around social media were geniuses. Why, for example, is it called social media when in reality its more anti-social than social? Why is a news feed called a news feed when it usually contains little in the way of real news?

The greatest word of all is platform, a word that conjures up lovely images of neutral spaces where we can all chat as equals. In reality, Facebook and Twitter and Instagram are not platforms; they are businesses. It is not their responsibility to educate us or to ensure we dont fall for fake news. Their job is to make money for their shareholders from their only product, which is us: their users. And they dont want to kick us off: Anti-Semites, Nazis and Islamists all buy sneakers, too.

Riley has learnedshe has had no choicehow to fight back against lies, and the fake news sites that peddle them. She is now involved with an organization called Stop Funding Fake News, which targets the fake news sites, which work on funding models reliant on advertising from major companies like Amazon. Prominent Labour-supporting fake news sites like The Canary and Squawkbox, subsist on such ads, often without those companies knowing. Stop Funding Fake News approaches those companies and asks if they are happy to be associated with these sitesthe answer is almost invariably a horrified no. The advertising stops, and alongside it, the revenue.

I conclude by asking Riley, if she has anything to say to the American Jews that read Tablet. She pauses, and then once again speaks with utter clarity and certainty. Someone said to me that I was the first person to say on camera that I believe Corbyn is an anti-Semite. Everyone else was reluctant. They said you dont have the fear: Because I wasnt brought up in the community I havent got my suitcase by the door. But there are a lot of Jews around Europe that have that fear. I went to a Jewish school in London full of French kids whose families have left France; there are little French kids in schools in London because they dont feel safe in France. The more silent you are, the more this is allowed to spread, so you need to nip it in the bud with conversation and education. I think theres more of a culture of being loud and proud in places like New York. I just think we all need to be louder.

Other parts of the world show us how dangerous the hard left can be, but theyre still being underestimated. People are still assuming this is business as usual, but it isnt. And the more I see organized pile-ons, the more I see lies to try and silence pregnant women, the less I like these people, and the less I want them anywhere near power.

* * *

So you called Jeremy Corbyn a fucking racist and anti-Semite?

I never said fucking.

Margaret Hodge, the Labour MP for Barking, sits in her loft room high up in the modern surroundings of Portcullis House, the glass and steel building on the Embankment just opposite the Houses of Parliament, which serves as the offices for 213 members of Parliament and their staff. Photographs of her family, including several grandchildren, dot the room. An assistant buzzes around handing her papers. I want to know how an Esther who is a Labour MP and one who came up through the ranks at the same time as Jeremy Corbyn feels about what is happening, and critically why she has chosen to stay in the party.

Our talk begins with her famous words to him. She smiles. Ill tell you what happened: It was when I found out he was planning on dropping the International Human Rights Association definition of anti-Semitism, she says. So I was pretty pissed off about that. And then when the news came back as we were voting that they had rejected the definition, I just lost it. I really did get cross. And we were in the House and I had two of my very kind colleagues sitting on either side of me, and we were talking about it, and I said Im going to go and call Corbyn a fucking anti-Semitic racist. And they said go on Margaret go for it.

He was sitting on the front bench so I said I would wait until he came out of the chamber and then one of my wonderful colleagues went off and briefed the Huffington Post. As he came out the last thing I said to myselfbecause I do occasionally use bad languageis dont swear Margaret because that would undermine the importance of the message. So I approached him and said that I thought refusing to accept the definition was anti-Semitic and therefore he was a racist. And hes just passive aggressive, he doesnt really engage. And then he went off, and I went to the theatre. Then it was all over the news that Id sworn at him.

Do you genuinely think Jeremy Corbyn is anti-Semitic? I ask. I have seen absolutely nothing since July that does anything other than confirm my view, she answers, if not to actually reinforce it.

It was his election which gave permission to anti-Semitic attitudes that have always been present in the hard left to shift from the extremes into the mainstream.

The afternoon light is blazing through the long loft windows, which bisect the room at 45 degrees. Hodge is bathed in a whitish gold light that gives the room an almost cheerful aspect that seems almost incongruous as she continues, in the same even and pleasant tone, to detail the mess Labour is now in.

Hodge understands the left. She came through the partys struggles with the hard left in the 1980s, when her and the other Labour moderates, led then by the Labour leader Neil Kinnock, threw out the extremists, paving the way for the election of the moderate Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair. But the fanatics didnt die. They were merely lurking under their digital mushrooms, waiting for their chance to return, and now they are back, and in control of the party apparatus.

Its this weird cult thing, she tells me. Some of which I understand. Youve got the old hard left, Trots, the people I fought in the 80s. But then youve got young people who came into politics who were born under a Labour government who never knew Britain when the hard left was a force and who fell let down by Blairs Labour and in an odd way I can understand that because I know what I felt in 1979.

Given Labours capture by the hard left and its anti-Semitism problem, how, I wonder can she continue to stay in the party? Because Im a fighter, she replies. Ive demonstrated that I never run away from a fight. I believe I am fighting for the heart and the soul of what made me a Labour Party member 56 years ago and I want to carry on fighting and give it my all.

I ask her how anti-Semitism has come to define her life in the contemporary moment, and once more she smiles, perhaps a little more mournfully. I never thought my Jewish identity would be so central to my political work, she says, but it is.

Can I tell you my funny story? In 1994 when I was standing for a by-election in Barking [in East London] the Jewish Chronicle wanted to speak to me, and I said, Im not talking to the Jewish Chronicle, what am I going to say to them. But in the end I did, and they said to me and what are you going to do for the Jewish community and I said not a lot. And when the Labour anti-Semitism started the press officer who had arranged the call sent me a postcard saying do you remember what you said in 1994?

But this is who she is, she tells me. She lost relatives in the Holocaust, and she has internalized the lessons of history. What I keep wondering is what was Germany like in 1930, 32, what was it like then. Because I know my parents [who lived there then] were so integrated. And they probably always suffered a degree of anti-Semitism. But they never probably thought it would it would lead to the Holocaust. So I feel you cant tolerate pretty shitty abuse, even if the people say the abuse cant lead to real harm, the abuse in itself is harmful, but could it lead to more. And thats what is so unforgivable about Corbyn is that hes given a permission for it to reemerge.

I fought the BNP [the Nazi party] in 2010 and, I thought Id get loads of anti-Semitic abuse during my fight and I did but Ive had far, far more since Jeremy Corbyn became Labour leader.

And finally I ask about how anti-Semitism has come to make her feel about her own identity. And once more she smiles; a deep, broad grin. Im a secular Jew. Neither of my husbands were Jewish. Ive never even done the Jewish festivals. Weve never been integrated into the Jewish community in any real sense.

But can I tell you something? she asks, smiling still.

My father tried to make me a Jew and he failed. The family rabbi tried to make me a Jew and he failed. My friends tried to make a Jew and they failedit took Jeremy Corbyn to, finally succeed in making me a Jew. She pauses.

I would laugh, she continues. But obviously I have no sense of irony.

* * *

Tracy-Ann Oberman is late. I sit at a table on the first floor of a members club in the center of West Londons arty Soho district, long home to the countrys creative industries. Oberman is a successful TV and theatre actor who gained national fame when she joined the BBCs longest running soap opera Eastenders, playing the wife (and eventual killer) of Dirty Den Watts, the programs anti-hero. Like Riley, Oberman is yet another Jewish woman from a world far removed from politics who, because of Jeremy Corbyn, has found herself cast as a modern-day Esther.

She is, like so many now, a lifelong person of the left who is at war with Labour anti-Semitism, and I want to hear how once Labour-supporting Jews who are not politicians think about what is happening. She arrives, slightly flusteredits been a busy morning with parental and work commitments. But she is keen to speakthis is her subject. Most immediately, it is clear that Labours problems are a source of great sadness to her.

I think the current labour Party is a huge problem, she says. I did Fiddler on the Roof a while back and did an enormous amount of research into my great grandmother and great grandfather. I hadnt realized that both of them started out being Bolsheviks and became Mensheviks. One of the reasons they had to leave was that they were massively political people. They came to England and played a huge part in setting up the labour Party instead. All they talked about was the suffering of the working classes and workers rights. What worries me was that this Jewish historyespecially its long involvement in the Labour Partywas being erased.

At the center of this erasure is an idea that subverts the battle against modern anti-Semitism: Jews are irretrievably privileged and therefore cannot be victims. The comedian David Baddiel told me about his early years in stand up, how when he used to highlight his Jewishnessmaking him almost unique in Britain at the timeit caused discomfort. It was clear, he told me, that Jewishness was not quite acceptable as an identity by the forces that understand identity politics, which is basically the left. This state of affairs, present in both Europe and the United States, is compounded in Britain because being Jewish here, with a community of only 260,000, was for a long time an identity that was amorphous and nebulous, and unmoored from easily discernible cultural reference pointsas opposed to the United States where, for example, American literature and humor, to name just two areas, bear the strong hallmarks of Jewish influence.

Oberman agrees. This is [former mayor of London] Ken Livingstones idea that all Jews are rich, all Jews are white, all Jews are middle class and all Jews are protecting their own assets, she says. And it is made worse now because of the sheer volume of lies that are quoted as facts. And you have a generation of young people who have no nuance, who have no understanding, who have been fed by Facebook and Twitter, and issues like the entire Middle East conflict have been reduced to a 140 characters, and thats all you see.

Oberman still cannot believe what has happened to the party she loved so much. People say to me but what about anti-Semitism on the right? I dont give a shit about the right; its not my partyI never aligned with them, she explains. I find Trump abhorrent. I never expected any different from [Brexit Party leader Nigel] Farage or from The Tories with their Islamophobia and racism. But the left let me down.

If there is one motto that the nonpolitical Esthers live by it is: Be louder. All have suffered for their public stance. Its very interesting, says Oberman. We all get the death threats, the sex threats, the body comments. But John Mann [a former Labour MP and campaigner against anti-Semitism] doesnt get attacked for who he is, his daughter gets attacked or his wife gets attacked. The misogyny tied in with it is revolting: Were just blond bimbos, we shouldnt be allowed to speak. Theres some man whos obsessed with me who has managed to get every single vaguely sexy photo shoot Ive ever done and just tweets out every single day. Its hysterical but also deeply misogynistic.

Has it been worth it? She replies without hesitation. I had Danny Baker [a British media personality] on my podcast the other day, yesterday, and he said, Why do you bother? Its like going around Oxford Street [with a sign], Have you changed anybodys mind? I replied, actually, I have. I found that speaking out has emboldened many others to do the same. Ive had cards and letters, actual handwritten, old-fashioned letters from people, whove said, when you first started speaking out I thought that you were mad and now, even as a hardened Labour Party supporter, I agree.

She continues: Look, politicians are paid to do this, myself and Rachel are not, and that is because it comes from a truly authentic place. Theres nothing to be gained by doing it for me at all, other than absolute conviction.

I used to be quite scared about how it would impact on my life, professionally and personally, and, I guess, mentally, but the more Ive spoken out and the more this debate has become centerstage, the more I know that Ive done the right thing.

And of course, it has only made her more assured in her identity. Ironically, nearly everyone of us who has spoken out has been the type of person who has said, you know Im Jew-ish, which is hilarious as the trolls seem to think were all running into synagogue every two minutes wrapped in our Zionist flag and Star of David. I think it has galvanised the community.

What does she hope will happen I ask finally. Again, she doesnt need to pause to think. I pray and hope that I can come home to the Labour Party, she replies. I pray that finally this moment of madness and racism and misogyny that this man has allowed to flourish, that hes brought out of the corners of pubs and houses, will disappear. I hope that that hard left with its umbrella of protection that covers up a far-right anti-Jewish sentiment will disappear back into the corners where it had to hide itself for so long.

* * *

Luciana Berger

On Sept. 23, 2018, Luciana Berger, the Labour MP for Wavertree, walked into the Labour Party annual conference in Liverpool flanked by a policeman specially assigned to protect her in response to the anti-Semitic threats she had received since Jeremy Corbyn was elected party leader. She was pregnant at the time. Almost five months later she finally had enough and resigned, citing institutional anti-Semitism and what she called a culture of bullying, bigotry and intimidation. In 2019, in Britain, an MP from a major political party had been driven out of her job for being Jewish. It was utterly without precedent, and I wanted to speak to her.

We finally managed to arrange a time just before she was due to give birth. Berger remembers the conference well. People said that I paid actors or paid the police officers to accompany me. Its a salutary lesson on todays public spherenot even photographic evidence of something will stop those who seek to deny it. When Berger resigned, Labour MP (and fellow Jew) Ruth Smeeth stood up in Parliament alongside her, and thundered at the state of her party. I am deliberately staying in the Labour Party because we desperately need to fix it, because the Labour Party cant be institutionally anti-Jewish. It just cant be, Smeeth told me some months back. She believed that the party would be found guilty by the EHRC of anti-Jewish discrimination, but she was determined to persevere.

Berger, though, was done. She first sat as one of the the Independent Group, which then became the Independent Group for Change. Now almost 10 months later she is standing as a candidate for the Liberal Democrats (Britains third party) in the heavily Jewish constituency of Finchley and Golders Green.

Bergers story is in many ways the story of the evolution of contemporary Labour anti-Semitism. When it emerged that Corbyn had defended an anti-Semitic mural in East London, she spoke out, challenging Corbyn to provide an explanation. Just days later, on March 25, 2018, British Jews held the Enough is Enough rally in Parliament Square. It was, as Berger, explains, yet another cataclysmic event in British Jewish history. It was staggering, she tells me. You had a minority community who gave up their evening to take to the streets to demonstrate against Her Majestys Opposition. That for me was just staggering.

And you would have thought, she continues, that any organization, let alone a mainstream political party, would have sought to do everything possible to mitigate against further outrage, and yet they did nothing. Indeed, what happened throughout the course of this past year is extraordinary. Every month there was something. There was the battle over the IHRA definition, which even at the last moment they still tried to quash. Then there was the summer of anti-Semitism, when there wasnt a day that went by where Jeremy Corbyn and his previous activities werent featured on the front page of a British newspaper.

A Timeline of the British Labour Partys Anti-Semitism Crisis Over the Past 18 Months (click through to expand image)

I was a parliamentary chair of the Jewish Labour Movement, she says, one of the oldest affiliates of the Labour Party supposed to be celebrating its centenary affiliation to the Labour Party and I felt that I did everything I possibly could to try to change things from within, and was unsuccessful.

Even Smeeth, who is determined to say in Labour, recognizes that there has long been an anti-Semitic undercurrent on parts of the left. My favorite George Orwell book is The Lion and the Unicorn, and obviously theres a section in there about middle class anti-Semitism, and indeed working class, anti-Semitism on the left, she told me. But it had pretty much gone, and if people were vile, they were through the prism of Israel/Palestine. We are no longer in that sphere; we are definitely in the arena of modern-day anti-Semitic tropes.

When I spoke to the Jewish historian Simon Schama, he agreed. Anti-Semitism is lodged into the capillaries of certain aspects of the left, which has seen a modernization of ancient prejudices against Jews as, for example, money lenders morph into the socialism of fools, he told me.

For her part, Berger is through with the Labour Party of Jeremy Corbyn. He and the people around him are not fit to hold the keys to Number 10, she told me. I never anticipated having to leave the Labour Party, let alone at 37 weeks pregnant, but I had to do so because I had to be true to what I believe. And so, she has become, inescapably, another Esther. I certainly didnt put myself forward for selection back in 2010 to see myself on the news ticker of BBC News or Sky News, described as Jewish MP, she told me. Im incredibly proud of my Jewish heritage and my Jewish identity; its just part of who I am, but I never sought to be identified by it.

But she remains as determined as ever. Anti-Semitism is the canary in the coal mine, she says thoughtfully. And if we dont contend with it then greater problems will come.

* * *

Britain is deeply divided. The country waits for Friday morning to find out what sort of future it is likely to have over the next four years, and what kind of country Britain wants to be. But even if Corbyn is defeated, the anti-Semitism crisis wont be over; things have gone too far for that. The Jewish Labour MP Ruth Smeeth summed it up best when we met in her office a few months ago. It is now a generational issue, she told me. And compounded by fake news, by social media, compounded and by the lack of analytical skills in British society. But they opened Pandoras box and we cant shut it, she explained. I have said it directly to Jeremy.

She continued, thats why Im angry on so many different levels. Im angry about the people who have had horrible experiences, who have been threatened, that have been bullied and harassed for being Jewish in the Labour Party. Im angry about how my colleagues are treated, she said. I am angry about how this is now an issue that the whole country will have to deal with for a least a generation to come.

Britain is undergoing a crisis that the countrys Jews would once have thought inconceivable. But it is here, and it is nasty and grubby and painful. Yet, amidst it all, British Jews, led by a few outspoken women who refuse to be silenced, have found their voice. Some say they have overshot, that they are too much, that its undignified. But their message has undoubtedly been heard.

In every single interview he does, in every debate he stands in, Corbyn faces accusations of anti-Semitism he cannot answer. Print journalists attack him for his record on anti-Semitism; TV pundits attack him for his record on anti-Semitism. There are only 260,000 Jews in Britain; this is a considerable achievement, and a public service to Jews and non-Jews alike, in a country that is going through bad times that are almost certainly going to get worse, which means that anti-Semitism is likely to get worse.

But as the Esthers have shown us, the darkness also contains some rays of light. British Jews are fighting back, and they are proud to be Jewish.

***

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David Patrikarakos is the author of War in 140 Characters: How Social Media is Reshaping Conflict in the Twenty-First Century. His Twitter feed is @dpatrikarakos.

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Election Watch: The Jewish Women Leading the Fight Against Anti-Semitism in Britain - Tablet Magazine

Q&A: Israeli actor keeps Fiddler on the Roof tradition alive at National Theatre – WTOP

Posted By on December 11, 2019

Renowned Israeli actor Yehezkel Lazarov comes to America to star in "Fiddler on the Roof" at National Theatre.

In 1964, the original Broadway production won nine Tonys, including Best Musical, en route to an honorary tenth Tony as the longest-running musical in Broadway history.

In 1971, the film version starring Topol earned eight Oscar nominations, winning three.

This week, the North American tour of Fiddler on the Roof hits National Theatre.

Tevye, Topol and Fiddler on the Roof is part of our soundtrack of Jewish and Israeli life, Israeliactor Yehezkel Lazarov told WTOP. I saw it only once on stage in Israel because for many years musicals werent that popular in Israel. When I got the role I was in shock that I had the opportunity to go into these huge shoes I actually met Topol a month ago in Israel at a party. It was quite amazing to hear from this man about the thousands of times he did this show. Im trying to compete with him!

Adapted by Joseph Stein from Sholem Aleichems Tevye and his Daughters,the story follows Jewis milkman Tevye raising five daughters during the Pale of Settlement of Imperial Russia in 1905.

He tries to uphold his religious traditions in an ever-changing world as his three eldest daughters choose husbands that go against Jewish heritage.

Tradition is something that can be beautiful with all the religious things we have and the weddings, but onthe other hand, religion can destroy and be very hard for some people, especially when it happens in the family, Lazarov said. Im trying as the father to keep the tradition when my three daughters are falling in love with three different men: one is poor, one is a fighter who wants to leave and go into Siberia and take my daughter away from me; and the third one is non-Jewish, which is the worst for Tevye.

His daughters arent his only concern, as Tevye grapples with wider circles of conflict.

[There is] the conflict I have with my wife, Golde, Lazarov said. Then the third circle is the community, the Russian pogroms who are trying to send us away from our land and the tragedy about it. Thats what keeps this story very, very relevant.

The songbook by Jerry Bock (music) and Sheldon Harnick (lyrics) is equally timeless, including Tradition, If I Were a Rich Man, Matchmaker, Matchmaker and To Life.

Every song is a hit, Lazarov said. You hear the audience know it by heart. When Im starting the show, before I sing Tradition, there are a few people that sing it before me. The music is beautiful. Its just beautiful. Its very simple and clear. Every song is like a little show that has a beginning, middle and end. You can understand the whole story through one simple song. You have Sunrise, Sunset. This is genius.

Israeli choreographer Hofesh Shechter adapts the original dance numbers by the legendary Jerome Robbins, while directorBartlett Sher leads the same creative team behind South Pacific, The King and I and the Tony-winning Best Play Oslo.

Whats beautiful about this production is that everything keeps itself very simple and very clear, Lazarov said. Theres amazing choreography by Hofesh Shechter. The directing is very simple. Everything is for real. We are there for real. We are not trying to exaggerate anything. You need a bench, theres a bench. You need a house, theres a house. You need a cart, theres a cart. Thats it. Were not trying to add anything. The directing is brilliant, the lighting, the costumes, the cast, the dancers, its unbelievable.

To play the role, Lazarov had to take extended trip to the U.S. from Israel, where he is a renownedactor, theater director and founder of an interdisciplinary arts school.

I was performing and my agent said, Theyre looking for Tevye. I said, Yeah but Im too young, like a line you hear and then its passed, Lazarov said. Ive been on stage since I was 8 years old. I started as a tap dancer, I was a contemporary dancer in a company for many years, then I turned into an actor in my 20s. They saw that and said, We want you to send If I Were a Rich Man. I sent them this tape and got the role.

He feels like its his purpose to be playing this role and this exact time.

I realized how much this thing was meant to be for me, Lazarov said. Those things that look very easy, its just because they are the correct thing that could happen to you. It was something bigger than me. I was in the middle of rehearsals of a show I was directing, I was in the middle of a show I was acting, I was in the middle of exhibitions, and suddenly this thing was much stronger than everything. Everyone I know in Israel just cleaned away for me to go into this next role. It was very special.

He has enjoyed it so much that he agreed to stay on for a second year of the tour.

Were getting a lot of happy crowds every night and thats what has kept me to do a second season, Lazarov said. Coming [to America] I thought, I dont know whats going to happen. I came with my family, three daughters of my own and my wife, weve been traveling, but I saw the way the audience responded and the warmth we were getting to this show. You get addicted to that. I just couldnt say no.

Today, he is approaching his 400th performance with no signs of stopping.

I could do it for 60 years, Lazarov said. I understand exactly why this thing is continuing and will continue forever. There is a certain code there that once you open it, you dont want to close it. Im serious. You can do that forever. You can watch that forever. I have old people who come to the show and say theyve seen it 20 times with all the Tevyes over the years. Of course, they like me the most!

Hear our full conversation below:

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Q&A: Israeli actor keeps Fiddler on the Roof tradition alive at National Theatre - WTOP

A Hasidic Star Takes The Stage With The Perfect Dream – Forward

Posted By on December 9, 2019

The biggest sensation in the Hasidic music world has asked me to meet him at a Lakewood strip mall. The sleek cafe where we chat is aspirationally Italian, glatt Kosher, and almost empty, but the eyes of passerby linger on our table, and one man slips out an Airpod to commend my interviewee for performing at a recent retreat for sick children. After graciously thanking his fan, this very polite pop star confesses that he chose the early hour for its relative anonymity. Later on, it would be he shakes his head.

With the November 15 release of his album The Perfect Dream, with Decca Gold, Shulem Lemmer known in his professional life simply as Shulem became the first Hasidic singer to record an album with a major record label. Hes one of a handful of artists to gain recognition in religious and secular spheres, and hes made his ability to navigate many worlds a central part of his brand. Composed and unflappably optimistic, he presents himself not just as a new singer but a new paradigm for Hasidic life: one in which young religious people can chase our dreams and not compromise who we are.

But before he was a household name in the Orthodox world, Shulem was the youngest of a Brooklyn Belz Hasidic household steeped in music. From his father, he inherited a love of traditional cantorial music, while his mother exposed him to more contemporary Hasidic tunes. An older brother, studying to be a cantor, introduced him to opera, which became a lasting passion, and his older sister Tzippy coached him through his first attempts to sing the songs they all loved.

It was Tzippy who propelled her ten-year-old brother towards the stage literally for the first time, planting him in front of a microphone at a cousins wedding. Shulem was hesitant to start singing. But as the dancing slowed and the guests gathered around him, he relaxed.

I felt like, thats my place, he said.

Tzippy was killed in a car crash just a few years later without ever seeing her brother sing professionally. But he credits her with showing him what he could do. I had a strong connection to her, Shulem said. She taught me songs; she made sure I knew the lyrics.

The next years saw Shulem entertaining crowds at family events, attending yeshiva in Israel, and finally returning to Brooklyn to get married and start working at a marketing firm. Wherever he was, he found a choir. His skill as a soloist made him a known quantity in the Hasidic world and a staple at fundraisers, bnei mitzvah, and weddings.

And then like any good marketing guy he got online.

Drawing on his connections in the marketing world, Shulem found friends to help him record music videos of his solos, uploading his first, a rendition of the folk song Avinu Malkeinu, to Youtube in 2016. The feedback was incredible, Shulem said, pouring in not just from Jews but people of many faiths.

It was an awakening moment, he said. I realized we have such power to reach out to people through music.

Shulems ability to capitalize on social media allowed his music to spill out of the Hasidic world, eventually reaching the ears of machers at Decca Gold, a sub-label of Universal, who approached him last year about a record deal.

For Shulem, it was a dream come true almost. You always strive to be the best in your space, and becoming a successful singer is getting a record deal, he said. But he didnt see how he could perform in the secular world while adhering to the restrictions of Hasidic life. At this first meeting with Decca executive Graham Parker, Shulem listed some of the things he wouldnt be able to do, from singing on Shabbat to recording love songs.

And, he said, he would have to consult not one but several rabbis whenever uncertainty arose.

To his surprise, Parker seemed unfazed, and The Perfect Dream started to become a reality. Most of the albums tracks are covers, from classics like Avinu Malkeinu and Chad Gadya to secular tunes like God Bless America and Les Miserables: ballad Bring Him Home. Shulem collaborated with producers on two original tracks, the titular The Perfect Dream and Face the Unknown, an earnest anthem of unity and coexistence. He vetted the content of each song to ensure it aligned with his values, and a clause in his contract allows him to turn down performances with which hes uncomfortable.

Meredith Truax

With the release of The Perfect Dream, Shulem has become the first Hasidic person to record an album with a major label.

Many big opportunities have come up and Ive said no, Shulem says. Once, he tells me, the makers of Holocaust movie Quezons Game asked him to record a theme song with the films lead actress. However, like many Hasidic Jews, Shulem abides by halakhic laws about modesty that prohibit him from singing with a woman. He initially declined the offer, but the filmmakers eventually decided to record two separate versions of the theme song.

Inviting communal input at moments like this has allowed Shulem to step into the secular world without facing backlash. Instead, he says, those around him have kvelled at his career shift, telling him to make us proud.

For him, the weightier task is that of representing Hasidim to the wider world. Once performing only in the Jewish sphere, now Shulem often looks out on almost entirely non-Jewish audiences. Hes rocked out at New York bars, performed at Jewish heritage festivals in Poland, and sung the national anthem at packed sports stadiums all over the country. While experiences of anti-Semitism are rare, people express surprise and curiosity that the person behind the melodies is a visibly religious Jew. Do you come to games often? is a frequent question at sporting events.

I see it as every opportunity, to educate them that were just like everyone else, Shulem says. In his eyes, fame has conferred upon him the obligations of an ambassador. His job is to give them a reason not to hate.

Its a responsibility he likes to shed at home, where his own children know little about his career. Still, they like to listen to Tatis music, he admits. They can go to the Google Home and say, OK Google, play Shulem.

Watch an exclusive premiere of Shulems latest music video, Bring Him Home, here:

Irene Katz Connelly is an intern for the Forward. You can contact her at connelly@forward.com.

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A Hasidic Star Takes The Stage With The Perfect Dream - Forward


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