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Anti-Defamation League Denies Credentials to Jewish Journalist

Posted By on March 23, 2017

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(Update: The ADL reversed its decision and granted Breitbart News credentialson Wednesday evening.)

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Nazarian, who is Jewish, has covered antisemitism extensively in her assignments for Breitbart News,focusing on the recent wave of antisemitic incidents on college campuses across California.

In July, for example, Nazarian wrote an article titled, Alarming Spike in Campus Antisemitism Linked to Hatred for Israel.

Nazarian has also covered antisemitism more generally. Last September, in an article titled Fighting Islamicisation and Antisemitism in America, she wrote about the risks ofanti-Jewish prejudice entering school curricula through textbooks.

In addition, Nazarian has also written about antisemitism and extremism abroad, and has traveled internationally to cover foreign affairsissues involving the U.S., Israel, and Iran.

Most recently, Nazarian covered the 2016 presidential campaign, traveling with the international press corps following Vice President-elect Mike Pence.

Nevertheless, theADL denied credentials to Nazarian a Jewish journalist with sterling credentials for no apparent reason.

Nazarian provided the following correspondence with the ADL (email addresses redacted):

From: Sent: Wednesday, November 16, 2016 12:15pm To: Subject: Media Credentials for Breitbart News

Dear Mr. Gutnick,

I am trying one last time to get credentials to this event.

I understand you said over the phone that we would not be allowed to attend tomorrows summit on anti-Semitism. However, I am writing to you to confirm that we would still like to attend. I also asked for an interview with Mr. Jonathan Greenblatt. You said no.

This is a further request.

Will you provide credentials to Breitbart News for tomorrows event?

Thank you, Adelle Nazarian Breitbart News

On Sunday, the ADL released a statement in response to the appointment of Breitbart News Executive Chairman Stephen K. Bannon to a key advisory positionby President-elect Donald J. Trump. The statement reads, in part:

It is a sad day when a man who presided over the premier website of the Alt Right, a loose-knit group of white nationalists and unabashed anti-Semites and racists is slated to be a senior staff member in the peoples house, said Jonathan A. Greenblatt, ADL CEO. We call on President-elect Trump to appoint and nominate Americans committed to the well-being of all our countrys people and who exemplify the values of pluralism and tolerance that makes our country great.

Breitbart News is not the premier website of the Alt Right, nor does it include white nationalists and unabashed anti-Semites and racists.

Joel B. Pollak, Senior Editor-at-Large and In-House Counsel for Breitbart News, who also holds a degree in Jewish Studies, called the ADLs statement defamatory, partisan, and contrary tothe organizations mission.

He added: The fight against real bigotry is undermined by false accusations.

***Update***

ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt says Nazarian was barred from Thursdays event in error and that she has been credentialed.

Shortly after Greenblatts tweet, the ADLs media person responded to Nazarians email. He wrote, Adelle, Sorry for the delay. Your credentials have been granted. See you tomorrow.

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Anti-Defamation League Denies Credentials to Jewish Journalist

Manischewitz Donates $50,000 to Anti-Defamation League in Fight … – PR Newswire (press release)

Posted By on March 23, 2017

NEWARK, N.J., March 23, 2017 /PRNewswire/ -- The Manischewitz Company, the largest producer of kosher food in North America, has pledged $50,000 to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to support efforts to combat recent anti-Semitic and anti-minority acts across the country. Since the beginning of the year, dozens of institutions have been the target of hateful threats.

"During these challenging times, it's important for all of us to take a stand against intolerance," said David Sugarman, President of The Manischewitz Company. "We are proud to support the ADL and its advocacy for tolerance and inclusion. The ADL is a critical voice against hate and not just anti-Semitic rhetoric and acts of violence against the Jewish people. They are a voice for all people and their civil rights, regardless of race or religion."

"We are grateful to have the support of The Manischewitz Company in these challenging times," said Jonathan A. Greenblatt, CEO of the Anti-Defamation League. "For more than 100 years ADL has been at the forefront of fighting anti-Semitism and combating prejudice in all forms. We have made great strides in making America a more accepting and welcoming society. And yet, the threats against our community institutions and attacks against our cemeteries and synagogues in recent weeks are another reminder of how our work remains as vital and important today as it did over a century ago."

ADL combats anti-Semitism and prejudice, advocates for hate crime laws at the state and federal level, engages in local incident response, sponsors anti-bias educational training for educators and students, trains law enforcement on extremist threats, and leads community-wide efforts against bigotry through its network of 26 regional offices across the country.

In a show of solidarity, The Manischewitz Company is also partnering with a variety of Jewish Community Centers (JCCs) and other Jewish institutions nationwide. A program in celebration of Passover, called Afikomen Live, perpetuates the tradition of searching for a special matzo, the unleavened bread traditionally eaten during the holiday.

"Launching a major Passover initiative with Jewish organizations in advance of the holiday reinforces a commitment to the heritage of Manischewitz and our unwillingness to back down against intimidation. It also sets an example for the next generation that we'll continue to put into practice the traditions and observances of generations that have preceded us," says Sugarman. The donation will be made in equal disbursements over a period of five years.

AboutThe Manischewitz CompanyThe ManischewitzCompany (TMC)is a specialty foods company comprised of 12 authentic kosher foods brands, including Manischewitz, Season, Goodman's and Jason. TMC offers a diverse product line that spans over 30 unique product categories. The Manischewitz brand was founded in a small bakery built to make Passover matzo in 1888 by Rabbi Dov Behr Manischewitz. Success paved the way for the introduction of new products like Tam TamCrackers, Chicken Soup, Macaroons, and Gefilte Fish. Today's Manischewitz offers Broths, Noodles, Potato Pancakes, and Matzo Balls. Manischewitz is matzo and so much more! Seewww.manischewitz.com for more product and recipe information!

To view the original version on PR Newswire, visit:http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/manischewitz-donates-50000-to-anti-defamation-league-in-fight-against-bigotry-300428465.html

SOURCE The Manischewitz Company

http://www.manischewitz.com http://www.manischewitz.com

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Manischewitz Donates $50,000 to Anti-Defamation League in Fight ... - PR Newswire (press release)

ADL national director assesses battle against anti-Semitism – St. Louis Jewish Light

Posted By on March 23, 2017

Over the past two years, the Anti-Defamation League, a national nonprofit dedicated to combating anti-Semitism, has been incredibly busy, particularly in Missouri, responding to:

Desecration at Chesed Shel Emeth Cemetery, where 154 headstones were toppled.

Two bomb threats against the two St. Louis Jewish Community Center facilities, and one against the Saul Mirowitz Jewish Community School. (In addition, a St. Louis man has been charged in at least eight of 165 bomb threats against Jewish organizations in the past three months.)

A swastika drawn inside the bathroom of a student dormitory, and other concerns about racism and anti-Jewish sentiment, which sparked a student and faculty protest at the University of Missouri-Columbia.

Jonathan Greenblatt, who became national director and CEO of the ADL in 2015, has been crafting the organizations response to those sorts of incidents around the country. In advance of his visit to St. Louis on April 3 and 4, Greenblatt spoke to theJewish Light about his approach to anti-Semitism.

It has felt like St. Louis has, in many ways, been at the epicenter of concerns about anti-Semitism. Do you think there are any unique factors at play in this part of the country?

What we have seen since the election has been an escalation of anti-Semitism and a surge in hate crimes that have affected the Jewish community, although not exclusively the Jewish community.

I think that there has definitely been a sense that no one is exempt. We have seen (the bomb threats) in the Midwest. We have seen them on the coasts. We have seen them in the South. Its been pretty alarming for the Jewish community across the country.

I think in St. Louis the cemetery desecration has made people feel a little bit uncomfortable. When I say a little bit uncomfortable, I dont mean to understate what this is about. I just mean that its new for this to be an issue in your community.

Whats new and indeed encouraging was seeing the interfaith effort to clean up the cemetery and the interfaith effort to raise money for the cemetery.

One of the organizers of the fundraising campaign was Linda Sarsour, a Muslim activist who has been in the news lately for her comments about Zionism and has been a supporter of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement. What are your thoughts on Sarsour? And how do you think the Jewish community should be engaging with her? Or should it not be engaging with her at all?

We profoundly and strongly disagree with her on her positions vis-a-vis Zionism and Israel. She is involved with the BDS movement, which is a tactic in a broader campaign to delegitimize Israel. Its troubling when you delegitimize and demonize Israelis. That encourages and spreads anti-Semitism. We actually called her out (in a letter to the editor) on her recent interview in the Nation magazine, where she asserted that feminism and Zionism are incompatible. In fact, we think they are entirely compatible and complementary.

What does the fact that she led this fundraising campaign for a Jewish cemetery mean as far as the idea that if you are anti-Israel, then you are also anti-Semitic?

I think it is reasonable for people to disagree with particular policies of particular governments. Nothing unusual about that. What is problematic is when you hold Israel to a double standard, when you delegitimize it and demonize Israelis. I think its great to get Muslims around the country to give money to help rebuild the Jewish cemetery. Theres nothing wrong with that. Perhaps what might have been even better would be to take some of the money raised to clean up the cemetery and put half of it to repairing headstones and then put half of it to anti-bias education and teach local people Christians, Jews, Muslims about the importance of tolerance for all people and why demonizing or delegitimizing them is not consistent with American values. Thats a kind of clean up; thats cleaning up the conversation.

The ADL recently criticized Israel for a new ban that prevents BDS supporters from entering the country. Could you explain why your organization took that stance, and your thoughts on the response that ADL has received?

The ADL since 1948 has been a consistent and clear advocate for Israel. We have been and always will be. Period, full stop. That doesnt mean that from time to time we might call out particular policies with which we dont agree. We are fundamentally, ferociously opposed to delegitimization.

I think the policy is quite vague, and thats why we find it problematic. One of Israels greatest strengths is the vibrancy and richness of its democracy. We get uncomfortable with policies that are vague and might mitigate some elements of that democracy.

When you took that stance, did you expect that there would be some pushback?

There is pushback with everything we do. There is pushback when I open the curtain. Sometimes people from the left disagree with us. Sometimes people from the right disagree with us. We are the Jewish people. We invented the notion of dissent. We are very accustomed to the notion of debate and dissent with everything that we do.

In December there was an email sent out from the ADL talking about how there was an organized, concerted effort to delegitimize the ADL. Do you still feel that way? [JTA reported that in the email sent to supporters, Greenblatt named only one of ADLscritics, the right-wing Zionist Organization of America, which has been a strident critic of Greenblatt since his appointment over a year ago.]

I think its fair to say that there have been individuals and organizations that have been deeply opposed to ADL for many years. We get it from certain elements within our community. We get it from certain elements outside of our community.

My job description is to protect the Jewish people. Thats the only thing Im focused on. Not fighting with other Jews. Not fighting with other groups. I think when Jews fight with other Jews, its the anti-Semites who win.

Have you been encouraged by the fact that since there were concerns about the lack of condemnation of anti-Semitism, that at his address to Congress, President Donald Trump opened by condemning anti-Semitism. Do you think things are moving in a more positive direction as it relates to anti-Semitism?

What happened that evening was unique and remarkable in a positive sort of way. By choosing to open by not talking about any of the campaign slogans or the themes outlined in his inauguration, but by launching a broadside against hate was really important, as it was a week before when Vice President Mike Pence was in your city at the cleanup of the cemetery with Gov. Eric Greitens.

I have had the privilege of talking to senior leadership in the Department of Homeland Security. They are very focused on making sure Jewish institutions are adequately protected. I have had the good fortune of spending time with FBI Director James Comey and his leadership team. And I am very confident that they are applying an incredible amount of energy to try and identify the person or persons responsible for the majority of these threats.

There has been some anti-Semitic activity online that affected students in high schools here in St. Louis. Whats the ADL doing to try and address that?

Last week at the South by Southwest Conference in Texas, I announced that we are launching the Center on Technology & Society in Silicon Valley. ADL under my administration has been very focused on the issue of cyberhate. We run the cyberhate working group with the biggest companies in Silicon Valley participating. We help them develop best practices on takedown procedures for hate speech on their platforms. We are collaborating with Google on a partnership that uses artificial intelligence to try and neutralize cyberbullying and online abuse.

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ADL national director assesses battle against anti-Semitism - St. Louis Jewish Light

No room for Zionism in any movement for justice – Mondoweiss

Posted By on March 21, 2017

A necessary and productive debate has been going on in US feminist circles following the International Womens Strike on March 8, with its openly anti-colonial, pro-Palestine platform. In an Op-Ed, writer Emily Shire questioned whether there was room for Zionists in the feminist movement, to which Linda Sarsour responded, in another OpEd, with a well-argued and highly-persuasive No. This exchange is the latest chapter in a long conversation in activist circles around Palestine as a feminist issue.

Some of us recall how US feminist icon Betty Friedan attempted to silence one of the Arab Worlds foremost feminists, Nawal el-Saadawi, at the 1985 UN conference on the status of women in Nairobi, Kenya, patronizingly telling her not to bring up Palestine in her talk, because this is a womens conference, not a political conference. Saadawi included that exchange in the preface to an article, The Forgotten Ism, published in 2001 by the Arab Womens Solidarity Association, which documents Zionist muzzling of Western feminist solidarity with Arab women. The debateor more correctly argumentsflared again with the publication, in 2002, of the anthology This Bridge We Call Home, when Zionist contributors accused the Arab American contributors, who include stellar feminists Nadine Naber, Rabab Abdulhadi, Lisa Suhair Majaj, (and myself), of such vile anti-Semitism that we belong with the KKK, (yes, really!) rather than in this volume. The radical, grassroots feminist organization INCITE! Women and Trans People of Color Against Violence early on included support for Palestine amongst its Points of Unity, and endorsed BDS in 2010. Multiple articles have been written about support for Palestine being a feminist issue, with special issues of academic journals devoted to that question. The National Womens Studies Association, the largest mainstream feminist academic womens association voted in favor of BDS in 2015, and there seems to be consensus amongst activists for various causes (except Israel advocacy) that Zionism, an ideology that hinges on privilege and inequality, is irreconcilable with progressive feminism.

I say progressive feminism intentionally, to distinguish between it and neo-liberal feminism as espoused by, say Hillary Clinton, who clearly cared, genuinely, about some feminist issues, such as the right to abortion, or gay marriage, but failed utterly at addressing most intersectional issues, such as the impact of her social policies on poor women of color in the US, or the impact of war on women in the countries her foreign policy devastated. And of course, feminist Clintons record on Palestine is atrocious, as is obvious from her unwavering support for Israel, coupled with her deeply racist views about Palestinians. Layali Awwad, a young Palestinian feminist, called Clinton upon her double-standards in a 2015 Open Letter when she reminded her that, as First Lady, you famously declared, Womens rights are human rights. However, Awwad points out to Clinton, when you chose to speak about my homeland, not once did you mention Israels human rights violations against Palestinian women and children. Even worse, you described us as lurking terrorists motivated only by incitement, as if the Israeli military occupation does not exist.

But even beyond feminism, (as that term is generally understood, meaning in its restricted sense as concerned with gender issues, rather than in its more encompassing vision for a just world for everyone), one needs to understand that Sarsours resounding No applies to all movements for justice. In other words, there is no room for Zionism in any of the struggles anyone wages to end oppression of any sort.

As Zionism, once viewed by nave but also basically racist Westerners as a redemptive vision, strips off its mask to reveal its true nature as a violent colonial system, it is no longer tenable for anyone to maintain any allegiance to that ideology, and work on anti-racism, anti-war, anti-colonialism, etc.

For example, Zionists cannot logically reconcile supporting Black Lives Matter, because Zionism does not question (or worse, it embraces) Israels racism, directed at Africans as well as Palestinians. Additionally, the impunity of Israeli soldiers executing Palestinian civilians makes the US criminal (in)justice system seem quasi-flawless.

Zionists do not belong in prison abolition work, when Israel notoriously abuses administrative detention to the point where going to Israeli jail is a rite of passage for Palestinian men and boys. Over 70 percent of the prison population in Israel are non-Jewish, and over 80 percent of Palestinian prisoners are not serving time, since they are not even accused of having committed a crime, they are merely in jail for unnamed security reasons.

Zionists do not belong in immigrant rights organizing, when Israel has been deporting immigrants for over a decade. They do not belong in anti-wall, anti-ban coalitions, when Israel has its own apartheid wall, and of course has banned Palestinian refugees since 1948, in violation of international law and United Nations Resolution 194, passed in 1948.

They do not belong in Standing Rock, when Israel expropriates Palestinian natural resources, regularly demolishes Palestinian homes, uproots orchards, and desecrates indigenous mosques, churches, cemeteries, and other sacred spaces

The list is long.

Zionism, like white nationalism, is racism, and as the similarities between the US and Israel become more pronounced by the day, with two current leaders who have taken the masks off their administrations policies, Zionists need to stop their mental gymnastics, that would somehow allow them to support apartheid in Israel, while fighting oppression in the rest of the world.

The question Shire should have asked is Is there room for Zionists in any justice movement?

The answer is No.

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No room for Zionism in any movement for justice - Mondoweiss

Zionism and Feminism March Forward Together – Forward

Posted By on March 21, 2017

I am a card-carrying Zionist and a proud feminist, beliefs some critics apparently deem incompatible.

Zionism is defined as a movement for the re-establishment and the development of a Jewish nation in what is now Israel. When Theodor Herzl started discussing Zionism in the 1880s, it was revolutionary. Zionism aimed to bring an end to the fragility of our Jewish existence and the uncertainty of our future. With this sense of security, it was believed that the Jewish people could contribute more to humanity. Zionism isnt just about a home for Jews, its about contributing to the world. When Israel helps African countries with irrigation systems or when Israeli doctors treat victims in disaster zones it leads through its values.

One of those Israeli values is equality for women. From Israels inception, women have been equal members of society much earlier than in the United States. Israels Declaration of Independence grants all Israels inhabitants equality of social and political rights irrespective of religion, race or gender. Women are protected by law from discrimination and Israeli society continues to further the advancement of women. Israel has had a female prime minister, supreme court chief justices, and foreign ministers. Women comprise half of Israels workforce.

Israel protects its women at all stages of their lives. Once a woman is five months pregnant, she receives 40 paid hours over the course of her pregnancy for doctor appointments and pregnancy-related tests. Israel even subsidizes in-vitro fertilization for parents having trouble getting pregnant. Mothers are entitled to 14 weeks of paid maternity leave and up to an additional 28 weeks of unpaid leave. Once you go back to work, Israel has subsidized daycare for infants and babies. Parents can take sick days to care for sick children. Perhaps in our ongoing feminist battles in the U.S., we should look to our Israeli friends for guidance.

Growing up, I was surrounded by strong Jewish Zionist women my mom, my aunts, my grandmothers, and my great-grandmother. These women instilled in me the values that led me to spend my adult life at the crossroads of progressive politics and pro-Israel advocacy and never have I felt these values to be in conflict. Not when I was a member of the Democratic National Committee, nor as an Elected Official.

After the 2016 election, my mom, grandmother, sister-in-law and I all atended the March for Womens Lives in Washington. I was concerned that like many progressive efforts in recent years this empowering moment would devolve into an anti-Israel gathering. But we didnt experience that walking down Pennsylvania Avenue. We felt included.

We all come to this intersection of Zionism and feminism from different places. Some of us have decades of organizing experience, coming up in a time where women had limited access to the halls of power. Some of us have come of age in different times. Some remember when Roe v. Wade was not the law of the land. For others, the March on Womens Lives served as the first real test. Women across the United States fight every day for their rights. How can we diminish these voices because they also care about the safety and security of the State of Israel?

There are days I disagree with the actions of the Israeli government, just as many days I disagree with the actions of the United States Congress, and most days I disagree with President Trump. As a Jewish woman, I was taught to question, and I do so often. However, I never question the importance of a Jewish democratic State of Israel just as I never stop fighting for the myriad progressive domestic causes - whether it be pay equity, reproductive health care, access to birth control, paid maternity leave - I feel so passionate about.

Stephanie Hausner is a councilwoman in Clarkstown, NY.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward.

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Zionism and Feminism March Forward Together - Forward

The holy soul of Zionism – Arutz Sheva

Posted By on March 21, 2017

As the holiday of Pesach approaches, our last few essays have dealt with the vast difference between Jewish life in the exile and Jewish life in the Land of Israel, as the Jewish People rise from the dry bones of Galut to mega-powered nationhood in the Promised Land. The ideas we have presented are indeed very deep, requiring a penetrating understanding of Torah, which the great Sages of Israel have illuminated for us throughout history, reminding us that the Torah is far broader than the four cubits of halacha which exist in the exile. True Judaism, the Torah of Eretz Yisrael, is a national Torah. At the time of Redemption, our learning demands deeper insights, and the realization that Judaism is far more than performing individual commandments like kashrut, tefillin, and Shabbat in alien, gentile lands.

In the light of the matters which we have explained, lets return and examine the history of Zionism beginning with the period of the Enlightenment. Once again, we will quote freely from Rabbi Moshe Bleichers book, Binyan Emunah.

Approximately one hundred years before the establishment of Medinat Yisrael, a great upheaval shook the world, which brought about a widespread heresy, which also crept into the ranks of the Jewish People. This new Enlightenment championed modernity and raised up a flag of intellectual freedom and liberation from the oppressive yoke of religion, which gave way to an extreme animosity toward religion and the ridiculing of everything sacred to it.

On the surface, this was a terrible crisis, a difficult and negative development in the life of the Jewish People. We would have expected that the spread of heresy would have brought forth a generation lacking idealism and morals, but that wasnt always the case. To a large decree, the opposite occurred. A spirit of innovation and new ideals was born, including grandiose social concepts, and dreams for a utopian society for which adherents were willing to sacrifice their lives.

A vibrant thirst for freedom circled the globe, along with noble, universal aspirations, and political and social movements which all promised to be a panacea for the pains and ills of mankind. The frameworks of the past were scorned for being too antiquated, myopic, and Victorian to meet the demands of this new Age of Enlightenment.

Rabbi Kook explained that all of the movements which were shaking the world and the Jewish People within it, were a manifestation of birth and global growth. The external crisis which arose in face of this new spirit was the sign of a deep, inner, developmental process, grand in scope and value, which the world had to undergo, in order to reach an even greater inner awareness that a Universal Ideal existed at the foundation of the existence, which would gradually come to expression through the appearance of a new level of life in the Nation which represented the heart of the world Am Yisrael. The crisis carried within it a yet hidden thirst for a living encounter with Divine Life in This World. And the rebirth of Am Yisrael in Eretz Yisrael was to be the vehicle to bring about this ultimate world revolution.

Paralleling the Enlightenment, Jews began to experience a profound transformation which revealed itself in a new national awakening to return to the Land of Israel.

The first settlers who made aliyah in order to settle and rebuild the Land were the students of the Torah giant, the Gaon of Vilna, who taught that the time had arrived to abandon the exile and to begin resettling the Promised Land. His inspiring words are recorded in the Introduction to the book, Paat HaShulchan, written by Rabbi Menachem Mendel of Sklov, a close student of the Gra (another name for the Gaon of Vilna). Subsequently, Rabbi Kalisher and Rabbi Eliahu Guttmacher, students of the Torah giant, Rabbi Akiva Eiger, made aliyah with their students. Only afterwards did the secular Zionist movement begin.

Because of the prolific writers involved in the secular Zionist enterprise, along with the media attention they received, it was taken for granted that the Zionist idea began with the secular Jews who had abandoned the Torah. This misconception was furthered due to the causes wealthy philanthropists, and to the Zionist organization that was founded to promote this new agenda, but, in reality, the foundation of the national awakening, and of the yearning to return to Eretz Yisrael, began from a holy source, from the exalted holy aspirations of Gedolei Yisrael, the Torah giants who said that the time had come to rebuild the Jewish Nation in its Land.

The Gaon of Vilna, his students, and other prominent Torah scholars, verbalized the inner, recondite yearnings in the depths of the soul of the Nation, which found its most visible outward expression in the growing masses of secular Jews who immigrated to Eretz Yisrael without being aware of the deeper spiritual factors which were motivating their aliyah, inwardly compelling them to give up their previously self-centered lifestyle for the far more idealistic identification with the Clal in rebuilding the Nation of Israel in its Land.

In practical terms, to the surface view of things, Benjamin Zeev Herzl was the catalyst behind the Zionist idea, its organization and expansion. While many of his dreams and aspirations were never realized, his dedicated efforts within the Jewish community, and in meetings with world leaders, caused the Zionist movement to spread and attract more and more followers.

Amongthe leaders of Torah, there were those who didnt see value in the Zionist agenda which Herzl propounded wherever he went, since his general beliefs and lifestyle were anathema to the Torah. In their eyes, there was no connection between the establishment of a secular Jewish State and the spiritual concept they held of Geula. In contrast to this viewpoint, there were great Rabbis who saw G-ds hand in the Zionist awakening, whose roots, they maintained, were seeped in holiness, grounded in the Torahs promises of Redemption, and further substantiated by the Prophets of Israel.

One of these outstanding Torah scholars was Rabbi Yehoshua from Kutna, who wrote in his halakhic Responsa, Yeshuot Malko:

There is no doubt that the aliyah to Eretz Yisrael is a great mitzvah, for the ingathering is the beginning of the Redemption (Atchalta DGeula), and especially now that we see the great yearning, both amongthose who are distant from Torah, those in between, and amongst the devout of heart, all of this is almost a certain sign that the spirit of Redemption is shining in this matter.

The fact that a great spirit arose in the hearts of the Tzaddikim to return to Zion, and in those who harbor a natural empathy for our history and traditions, is something we can understand. After all, the importance of Eretz Yisrael is repeatedly emphasized by the Torah. Furthermore, our return to the Land is promised in the Torah and throughout the writings of our Prophets. Anyone who learns Torah and wants to practice its precepts is likely to have the thought of aliyah somewhere in his mind, if not for the immediate present, then certainly for the future.

However, when we find this spirit of national revival sparkling in the hearts of those who are far from the Torah, in Herzl, and in scores of other champions of Enlightenment this phenomenon cries out, Explain what is going on! What is driving them? What is the source of love affair with Zion? It is this widespread awakening which moves a Torah giant like Rabbi Yehoshua from Kutna to declare that almost certainly the spirit of Geula has awakened.

What is the meaning of his words? What is so significant about the fact that a passionate spirit to return to Eretz Yisrael has arisen in Jews who are far from Torah? How is a secular national spirit connected to the Redemption for which weve been waiting?

We have explained that the difference between Galut and Geula is extremely profound, and basically antithetic. When the Jewish People are in Galut, the Nations Clalli spirit disappears. When the unifying Soul of the Nation, which combines and attaches all of the details, all of the generations throughout our history, all of the different ethnic groupings, all of the religious and non-religious alike, to one Divine Source and Truth when this all-encompassing Divine Israelite Soul abandons us in our descent into exile, we are literally left like a corpse, a body without it soul.

It is not a small, peripheral matter when our Clalli life-force leaves us. In effect, the entire essence of our life is missing. We must remember that Hashem created Am Yisrael as a NATION. He gave the Torah to us as a NATION, not to scattered individuals, or even individual tribes, but to our NATIONAL format. In the exile, this national format is shattered, and we remain scattered, individual bones without our NATIONAL SOUL to bring us to life.

Rabbi Bleicher uses an example to explain. Obviously, there is a difference between a monkey who doesnt speak, and a man who doesnt speak. When an ape doesnt talk, we dont think twice about it thats something natural. But if a man doesnt speak, he loses the main aspect of the Divine Image in which he was created. He is missing an essential ingredient of his life. So too - and much more so - when the Jewish Nation loses it living soul as a Nation, we are like dead bodies in the graveyard of the gentile nations of the world. Individual Jews can thrive in their private lives in a wide assortment of spheres, but the all-important national aspect of the Jewish People, through which Hashem is sanctified in the world, doesnt exist.

Therefore, Rabbi Bleicher explains, citing the teachings of Rabbi Kook, if we see that a national spirit, filled with courage, joy, and mesirut nefesh, with a willingness to fight and die for the rebuilding of the Nation of Israel in its Land, begins to blaze through the exiled Children of Israel, shining forth in tens of thousands of Jews, accompanied by a new national psyche, and a willingness to give up ones life for the general wellbeing of the Clal, we know that this could not grow out of external and secular goals, but that the phenomenon is rooted in holiness, stemming from the national, Clalli Soul of the Jewish People which is now awakening and coming to life.

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The holy soul of Zionism - Arutz Sheva

A Jewish candidate gives Democrats hope in Atlanta’s suburbs – Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Posted By on March 21, 2017

Jon Ossoff is one of three Jewish candidates in a field of 18 vying for a congressional seat in Georgia. (Courtesy of the Ossoff campaign)

WASHINGTON (JTA) One candidate has the endorsement of a civil rights giant. Another boasts that he changes his oil in his pickup truck. A third coached soccer at the local community center.

Its politics as usual in Georgia, except that these three candidates among the 18 running in the special election on April 18 in Georgias 6th Congressional District are Jewish.

The election is a jungle, or blanket, primary, an open race in which the top two vote-getters, regardless of party, face off against one another in a June 20 runoff barring the unlikely event that one candidate tops 50 percent.

Race figures prominently in this election in the Atlanta suburbs, as does traditional values (another candidate is prominent in the right-to-life movement). But all politics is local attracting jobs to the district and improving mass transit are major campaign themes.

The election is atypical, however, in two ways: Democrats see it as their first opportunity to wound President Donald Trump, and the presence of the Jewish candidates, notably Jon Ossoff, a Democrat attracting national media attention as the likeliest to pull off an upset.

That one-sixth of the candidates are Jewish in the 6th is something of an anomaly, said Steve Oppenheimer, a businessman who backs Ossoff.

What are we, 2 percent nationwide? asked Oppenheimer, who has served on the national boards of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee and Hillel. If we were twice that here and that may be a stretch we [Jewish voters] are not going to be the swing vote.

Not that Ossoff, a scholarly and serious 30-year-old, is reluctant to chat about his Jewish upbringing if he is asked.

I was bar mitzvahed at The Temple, which is a Reform synagogue, he told JTA, somewhat didactically. My Jewish upbringing imbued me with certain values, a commitment to justice and peace.

Ossoff is perhaps best known as a muckraking documentary filmmakerwho once was an intern to Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga. and now is being endorsed by the civil rights giant. (Ossoff was later an aide on national security policy to another Georgia Democrat, Hank Johnson, who also has endorsed him.)

That biography and Trumps surprisingly poor performance in November in a district that for decades has been solidly Republican has propelled Ossoff to the front of thediverse pack of candidates. A poll commissioned by zpolitics, a website tracking politics in Georgia, had him at 41 percent on Monday, while his closest two contenders, both Republicans, are tied at 16.

Tom Price, the previous incumbent, won the district by more than 20 points in November, but Trump beat Clinton in the district by barely a percentage point. Trump tapped Price to be his health secretary, and Trumps poor performance led Democrats to smell blood. (Ossoffs slogan? Make Trump furious.)

Ossoff, youthful and personable, soon emerged as a national Democratic favorite, and a fundraising drive led by the liberal website Daily Kos, among other factors, has made him the candidate to beat, with $3 million reportedly in his campaign coffers. The Democratic National Committee and the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee have deployed resources to his campaign.

That, in turn, has led to coverage in the national media, including front-page treatment in The New York Times and profiles in the New Yorker, Esquire and the Los Angeles Times.

Every one of those treatments includes a requisite skeptical note from impartial observers of Georgias politics: Ossoff, they say, is gobbling up Democratic support, and likely will place on April 18, but the notion that he can win in the runoff in the historically red district is far-fetched.

Typical of the pundits is Kerwin Swint of Kennesaw State University, who on Feb. 27 told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution that a Democrat could conceivably sneak into the runoff, but that Democrat would almost surely lose the runoff. The numbers just arent there yet.

Democrats, giddy at Ossoffs surge in the polls, believe the numbers are coming in. Ossoff says hes running to win outright on April 18, although that tends to get even his supporters eyes rolling.

Sheri Labovitz, a longtime Democratic activist, has not formally endorsed Ossoff among the five Democrats running, but she believes he has momentum.

Hes got a machinery working with him that has some very good research, hes got bodies knocking on doors every day and every weekend, she said. If you can turn your voters out, youve got a great shot.

Jon Ossoff, in red tie, is flanked by Reps. John Lewis, left, and Hank Johnson, who are both supporting his candidacy. (Courtesy of the Ossoff campaign)

And Labovitz said Jewish interest is unexpectedly strong. She expected perhaps 30 people to show up last month at a salon she organized for Jewish Democratic women that featured Ossoff and two other candidates: Ron Slotin, a former state senator who also is Jewish, and Sally Harrell, a former state representative who has since withdrawn. Instead, 200 people packed the room.

Ossoff said he was wowed by the turnout.

Jewish women are leading a lot of the political engagement in the community, he told JTA.

Still, Labovitz is reserving judgment on a final call until she sees which of the 11 Republicans in the race emerges to compete with Ossoff.

Its a gerrymandered district, she said. Can a Democrat make the runoff? I really think so. Can a Democrat win? I would like to think so.

The two Republicans who are ahead in polls would provide a sharp contrast with Ossoff.

Karen Handel earned national notoriety in 2012 when, while she was vice president at Susan G. Komen for the Cure, a charity that combats breast cancer, cut off its relationship with Planned Parenthood.

In the ensuing controversy Komen, which was founded by a well-known Jewish Republican philanthropist, Nancy Brinker, who named it after her late sister, reinstated the relationship with the reproductive rights and womens health group. Handel then left the organization, becoming something of a hero for abortion opponents.

Bob Gray, a former council member in the town of Johns Creek, has an ad that opens with Trump pledging to drain the swamp. It fades to Gray, in overalls, draining a swamp literally to the twang of blues chords on an acoustic guitar.

Republican ads target Ossoff as an interloper in a conservative redoubt. The Congressional Leadership Fund, a national Republican political action committee, uncovered video from his days at Georgetown University wielding a light saber as a bare-chested Han Solo and extolling the virtues of beer.

Not ready, the ad said.

Ossoff says the attack on him by a national superPAC is a signal of how serious his bid is. His current incarnation clean cut, well turned out and soft spoken, and the CEO of a documentary film company that delves into cutting-edge issues like corruption in Africa and the mistreatment of women by Islamist terrorists deflects bids to portray him as unripe.

Ossoff is more sensitive to charges that he is a carpetbagger; he lives just outside the district boundaries. That gets him testy.

My significant other is a medical student at Emory and she needs to walk to work, he said.

Casting him as an outsider resonates with some voters in a mixed rural-suburban district. Jere Wood, the mayor of Roswell, a town in the district, told the New Yorker earlier this month that Ossoffs name alone would alienate voters.

If you just say Ossoff, some folks are gonna think, Is he Muslim? Is he Lebanese? Is he Indian? Wood said.

Ossoff likely would enjoy the jab; he wears his progressive badge with pride. He turned up at Atlantas Hartsfield-Jackson International Airport on the Saturday night that Trumps first executive order banning refugees and other travelers from Muslim-majority countries went into effect, and identifies with them as a matter of heritage.

American Jews all share that immigrant story, he said, and that perspective hardens my resolve to fight for an open and optimistic vision of our country where if you work hard you can get ahead, where we welcome those who come here to build the country.

Ossoff also signals familiarity with the Middle East. His campaign biography notes that when he was at Georgetown, he studied under Michael Oren, the historian and former Israeli ambassador to Washington. Oppenheimer, Ossoffs backer, says as a congressional aide the candidate helped draft Iran sanctions, but also is quick to note that Ossoff had left the job by the time Democrats were backing the Iran nuclear deal that so riled AIPAC.

He was not involved in the deal President Obama made, Oppenheimer said with emphasis.

If Ossoff and his backers are right and distaste for Trump and hard-line conservatism threatens to turn this district blue, then David Abroms would be a formidable adversary in the runoff. But this Jewish Republican is not registering in the polls, finishing next to last among the eight candidates named in the zpolitics poll with under 2 percent of the vote.

Abroms, 33, avoids mentioning Trump in his campaigning. He focuses instead on his business converting vehicles to running on natural gas and how he hopes to bring to Washington his ideas of energy independence from the Middle East.

A lot of wealth goes overseas to the Middle East to people who dont like us very much, it hampers our national security, it hampers Israels national security, he said in an interview.

Abroms, who interned for former Alabama Sen. Jeff Sessions, now the U.S. attorney general, is relaxed with both his Southern and Jewish heritages.

I consider myself a paradox, he said. Im a Jewish accountant, but I drive my pickup truck and I do my oil changes, and I listen to country music.

Ron Slotin (Courtesy of the Slotin campaign)

Slotin is another moderate albeit a Democrat who likely wont make the cut. The zpolitics poll, with 625 respondents and a margin of error of 3.8 percentage points, had him just ahead of Abroms at 3 percent. A state senator in the 1990s who ran unsuccessfully against Cynthia McKinney for Congress McKinney went on to become one of the bodys most strident Israel critics he is reviving his slogan from that era, Votin Slotin, and campaigning on bipartisanship and bringing jobs to the district.

Slotin, 54, is an executive headhunter who once owned the Atlantic Jewish Life magazine and coached soccer at a local JCC. He touts his role aspart of the government team that crafted tax credits that brought TV and movie production into the state.

What I bring to the district is stronger against any Republican candidate than what [Ossoff] brings to the district, he said.

The zpolitics poll suggests that might be true: A question asking for a second choice indicative of how the runoff might play out had Slotin by far the leader with 34 percent, while Ossoff got 5.6 percent.

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A Jewish candidate gives Democrats hope in Atlanta's suburbs - Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Should Feminism Have Room for Zionism’s Inequality and Jewish Privilege? – Haaretz

Posted By on March 19, 2017

Women who identify with Zionism are free to participate in the feminist protest movement. But, rightly, it's a space in which supporters of a Jewish ethno-nationalist state should feel uncomfortable.

In a recent New York Times opedDoes Feminism have Room for Zionists?Emily Shire, who identifies as a feminist and a Zionist, argues that her belief in Israels right to exist as a Jewish state should not be at odds with her feminism. She suggests that women who sought to be included in the International Womens Strike and in the women's protests against the current U.S. administration more generally should not have to face a 'critical of Israel' litmus test. She takes issue with theStrike's platform, which specifically calls for the decolonization of Palestine, but which doesn't mention the myriad other injustices inflicted on women across the world.

But Shire herself brings up her own Zionism. She states her relationship to Israel shouldnt be a factor for the women's protest while simultaneously demanding a space for it - Zionism being a giant, pertinent caveat. Ironically, Shire is subjecting women active in the movement to her own litmus test.

The op-ed asks the wrong question. It is not whether feminism has room for Zionists but whether Zionism has room for equal rights.

Zionisms manifestation as a political system operating for almost 69 years now has thus far proven it does not have that room. The State of Israel was founded as a safe haven for Jews and is premised on privileging Jews over all others. It is not a country for all its citizens over 20 percent of whom are not Jewish at all - but for all Jewish people (and increasingly, onlycertain kinds of Jewsto boot).

Shire gives the impression that she hasnt sat down to consider how Palestinian womens rights [in Israel and the occupied territories] are systematically affected by Israels very raison detre. (The fact that they are also trampled within Palestinian society does not absolve Israel of responsibility). Instead she insists on Israels right to exist as a Jewish state. But if you don't define what that should mean for Palestinians, you are evading the core issue. So far, it has de facto meant Israel has had the right to exist as a system of supremacy of one group over another.

I also support the right of Jews to self-determination. But as a Jewish ethno-nationalist state, Israel cannot uphold equal rights. That is a fact. So the question then, is, can a Jewish state exist that doesnt systematically violate basic human rights?

Im not sure. Its a worthy and challenging question - one that American and Israeli Jews were grappling with to an extent during the period surrounding Israels establishment but it quickly vanished. What should a Jewish state look like? How can it function as a democracy?

This is an important debate about nationalism and civic democracy, but it is primarily an intra-Jewish issue and has nothing to do with the current wave of feminism in the U.S. It is not Linda Sarsours job to make Zionist women feel more comfortable about the contradictions they are facing. If anything, considering Israels track record, it is up to Zionist women to take efforts to assure non-Zionist feminists of their commitment to equal rights.

I agree that all forms of violence and oppression against women should be called out and opposed. The International Womens Strike platform could have mentioned all forms of oppression against women, not just Israel. That only Israel was mentioned is part of the zeitgeist. It cannot be seen in isolation from the context in which Israel oversees the longest-standing military occupation in history and is simultaneously the largest beneficiary of U.S. foreign aid, acting with near total impunity and with no end in sight.

As an Israeli Jew who actively opposes Israels system of rule and supports Palestinian human rights, I may not agree with every tactic employed by the Palestinian resistance movement. But who am I to tell them how to resist their own oppression? As Linda Sarsour said in her interview inThe Nationresponding to Shires piece feminism is a movement and BDS is a tactic. If you dont support BDS, you can choose to not take part in it, but proactively opposing BDS because it is an alienating tactic for a Zionist is misguided.

Shire states that she draws a "hard line" atRasmea Odeh.Her argument about Odehs illegitimacy as a convicted terrorist is highly problematic. It not only overlooks the role of Israels military courts as judge, jury and executioner of the stateless Palestinians tried in them, but also the fact that Israelis in the military and the government themselves engage in acts of terror - and have never been tried. Israel's own founders engaged in acts of Zionist terror against British and Arab targets and then went on to become prime ministers. While I dont think Odeh is the best choice as the Strike's poster woman of, calling her out without holding Israelis to the same standard is one-sided.

In the age of Trump, in which the current feminist forces are operating, many liberal American Jews are finding themselves increasingly pushed into a corner, forced to choose between their liberalism and their support for Israel; between the motto never again to Jews and never again to anyone.

Jews, of course, have the right to equality, self-determination and dignity, like all other human beings. No one in the feminist movement not Rasmeah Odeh or Linda Sarsour or anyone else has denied this. But as long as Israel, in its current construction, continues to be a fundamentally unprogressive entity that is incompatible with equality, Zionists in the feminist camp are going to continue to feel rightly uncomfortable.

Mairav Zonszein is an independent journalist and translator. She blogs at+972 Magazine. Follow her on Twitter: @MairavZ

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Should Feminism Have Room for Zionism's Inequality and Jewish Privilege? - Haaretz

Zionism and feminism are incompatible, leftwing voices say – Mondoweiss

Posted By on March 19, 2017

Linda Sarsour. (Photo: Ford Foundation)

It used to be that PEP was a safe place: Progressive Except Palestine. But since Trumps election and the wave of activism to create a coalition of liberals, lefties, progressives, radicals, Zionism is having a rougher time in leftwing spaces.

This important ideological argument has been going on openly among feminists since the Womens Day Strike of March 8 issued its platform, which targeted decades of neoliberalism for the conditions that produced Trump. Among the causes the women took up was Palestine:

[M]ovements such as Black Lives Matter, the struggle against police brutality and mass incarceration, the demand for open borders and for immigrant rights andfor the decolonization of Palestine are for us the beating heart of this new feminist movement.

Last weekEmily Shire, the politics editor at Bustle, responded to the platform in aNew York Times op-ed titled,Does Feminism Have Room for Zionism? Shire said Yes, but the piece was remarkable for its defensiveness. Shire was getting the cold shoulder from a lot of lefties, she reported.

As a proud and outspoken feminist who champions reproductive rights, equal pay, increased female representation in all levels of government and policies to combat violence against women, I would like to feel there is a place for me in the strike.

However, as someone who is also a Zionist, I am not certain there is.

I identify as a Zionist because I support Israels right to exist as a Jewish state. Increasingly, I worry that my support for Israel will bar me from the feminist movement that, in aiming to be inclusive, has come to insist that feminism is connected to a wide variety of political causes

More and more frequently, my identity as a Zionist places me in conflict with the feminist movement of 2017.

Donna Nevel (Photo: Jews for Racial and Economic Justice)

I know about Zionism from my own relationship with it. I had some serious unlearning to do. When I was younger, I, too, identified as a Zionist (a socialist feminist Zionist) until I realized that my image of Zionism as the Jewish national liberation movement was seriously misguided. Instead, I learned that what had been done and was still being done to Palestinians in the name of Zionism was theft of land and denial of a peoples right to freedom and national liberation. It was about the privileging of those who were Jewish over Palestinians. ..

In Israel, as well as in the U.S., the Nakba is often disregarded or denied altogether. Instead, the focus is on the creation of Israel as a haven for Jews, completely ignoring the mass dispossession of the Palestinian people.

Nevel went on to challenge Shire on the incompatibility of Zionism and feminism at a time of left awakening:

Instead of asking whether Zionists have a place in the feminist movement, perhaps the question that Shire should be asking is: How can someone who considers herself a supporter of feminism, which is a movement for justice and liberation that challenges patriarchal power and all forms of oppression, also consider herself a supporter of Zionism, a movement that denies the basic values of equality and fairness.

The womens day strike was intentionally and critically rooted in an anti-colonial feminism that is liberatory and multidimensional and that has as its foundation a deep commitment to social transformation and to resisting the decades long economic inequality, racial and sexual violence, and imperial wars abroad. If Shire has an interest in being part of such an inspiring movement, rather than supporting Zionism, she might want to stand with the Palestinian-led grassroots movement for justice and with the growing number of women around the globe who are committed to equal rights for all peoples living in Palestine and Israel. What could be more feminist than that?

Yesterday, Collier Meyerson published an interview in the Nationwith a leader of the January 21 Womens March in Washington. Can You Be a Zionist Feminist? Linda Sarsour Says No. Sarsour says:

I was quite surprised and disturbed by [Shires] piece. When you talk about feminism youre talking about the rights of all women and their families to live in dignity, peace, and security. Its about giving women access to health care and other basic rights. And Israel is a country that continues to occupy territories in Palestine, has people under siege at checkpointswe have women who have babies on checkpoints because theyre not able to get to hospitals [in time]. It just doesnt make any sense for someone to say, Is there room for people who support the state of Israel and do not criticize it in the movement? There cant be in feminism. You either stand up for the rights of all women, including Palestinians, or none. Theres just no way around it.

Meyerson and Sarsour agreed that the discourse is rapidly changing on the issue, though Sarsour said that many Palestinian women cant put their heads up.

Meyerson: A colleague here at The Nation pointed out that many Palestinian-American women have had key roles in the Womens March, the International Womens Strike, and other post-election feminist mobilizations. You, Lamis Deek, Rasmea Odeh, among others. Do Palestinian-American women have a unique position in the fight against oppression given the history of the Israel/Palestine conflict?

Sarsour: Its been a little surprising to the [right-wing Zionists] to see [Palestinian-American] women in leadership roles in social-justice movements because [they are realizing] it means that the Palestinian Liberation Movement and the Palestinian Solidarity Movement are gaining traction among young people and people of color in the United States. And I will say this, yours seems like a short list. The fact of the matter is that there are hundreds of Palestinian women organizing, but not all of them are visible. And Ill tell you why. Youve probably seen that any visible Palestinian-American woman who is at the forefront of any social-justice movement is an immediate target of the right wing and right-wing Zionists. They will go to any extreme to criminalize us and to engage in alternative facts, to sew together a narrative that does not exist. So, fortunately, were still in a moment in our country where we have the freedom of speech and the right to organize, but we have another layer as Palestinian American women, where we have to deal with threats, slander, and libel in mainstream and right-wing media. This work that we do is not easy, but I feel hopeful we are part of a movement now. One with young people, and people of color in particular, who are really taking on the cause and really embracing us as Palestinian, American, Muslim women.

Finally, Id point toDevyn Springers piece calling out Shire on our site: There is no space for Zionism in any movement which seeks to alleviate even an iota of oppression from marginalized people.

Its unfortunate that the mainstream discussion has so far been limited to feminist circles. I dont think it can be contained there. The contradictions are too glaring. At the recent J Street conference, many people were organizing against Trump; but I noted several occasions on which speakers said that the Zionist dream was alive only so long as there is a Jewish majority in the land, and so long as Israel builds that wall (on Palestinian land). Lately I have pressed Seffi Kogen of the American Jewish Committee andJosh Marshall of TPM on the hypocrisy of decrying expressions of white nationalism in our country while supporting the ideology of Jewish nationalism in a country overseas. Both have ignored me.

Read more here:
Zionism and feminism are incompatible, leftwing voices say - Mondoweiss

Netanyahu’s Alt-Zionism Has No Need for American Jews – LobeLog

Posted By on March 19, 2017

byDavid Sarna Galdi

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu this week told a delegation led by Reform Movement head Rabbi Rick Jacobs what it wanted to hear that he was attuned to their concerns. But Netanyahus shocking silence during the recent wave of anti-Semitic incidents in the United States was far louder than his words.

Netanyahu, who just a couple of years ago declared that he represents the entire Jewish people, failed to show any support whatsoever for American Jewry during more than 190 anti-Semitic threats and attacks in six weeks.

How should U.S. Jews make sense of this non-sequitur?

Jews growing up in America in the second half of the 20th century were taught a very simple equation: Israel = Judaism. When American Jews sent their hard-earned dollars to the Jewish state, they believed that Israel was in a reciprocal way an embodiment of their values and, more importantly, their guardian.

After the Holocaust, Israel was naturally viewed as the guarantor of the common Jewish future, having absorbedhundreds of thousands of Jewish refugees and legally enshrining automatic citizenship for any Jew, no questions asked. Leaders of the fledgling state like David Ben Gurion, themselves born in the diaspora, were explicit about Israels connection to the great Jewry of the United States, to whom Israel owes so much. In 1960, Moshe Dayan put it quite plainly when he argued, in Canada, that his government should not only represent the people of Israel, but the interests of all Jews.

The metaphorical umbilical cord connecting the Jewish diaspora with the Zionist State was expressed when Menachem Begin viciously protested 1951 reparation negotiations with post-war Germany. Tremendous financial benefit to Israel, he argued, did not trump the collective self-respect, not of only Israelis, but of all Jews. The ultimately successful reparations deal was unique, argues Ofer Aderet in Haaretz, because although it was signed between two countries, it also encompassed a third party the Jewish People.

However, the idea that a Jewish state could be trusted to represent the entire Jewish people has always been tenuous. After herself escaping Nazi Germany and working for Zionist causes, Hannah Arendt supported a Jewish national revival but argued that politics were destroying the integrity of the original Zionist idea. She worried that an exclusively Jewish Palestine, would eventually separate itself from a larger body of world Jewry and in its isolation, develop into an entirely new people.

The lost narrative of early Jewish opposition to political Zionism is beyond the scope of this short article; it must suffice to say that Arendts doubts echoed those of a litany of Jewish leaders and thinkers like Lucien Wolf, Claude Montefiore, Israel Abrahams, Simon Dubnow, Congressman Julius Kahn, Rabbi Judah Leon Magnes, Martin Buber, Albert Einstein, Franz Rosenzweig, Gershom Scholem and many others who held doubts as to whether political Zionism had Judaisms best interest in mind and feared the consequences of ethnic Jewish hegemony over another people.

Will a Jewish nation save the Jews? asked Rabbi Israel Mattuck, a leader of British Jewry between the two world wars. It may save a small number of them; it may well destroy all the rest.

Fifty years since the height of diaspora euphoria after the Six Day War the idealistic, abstract Zionism of many U.S. Jews has fermented into what can be called at best, melancholy Zionism. A recent Pew Research Center Study found that only 35 percent of American Jews aged 18-50 believed that caring about Israel is an essential part of their Jewish identity. Israel isnt a brand some American Jews want to identify with, admitted Liran Avisar, the CEO of Masa Israel.

Globally plugged-in young American Jews who protest for refugee rights and attend LGBT weddings face jarring headlines about Israels idolization of a soldier convicted of the manslaughter of an incapacitated Palestinian, laws legalizing theft of Palestinian land and discriminating against Muslim prayer, large-scale demolition of Israeli Bedouin communities, and the exclusion of egalitarian prayer from Judaisms most holy communal space. Though Netanyahu wants to force Palestinians to announce, on-all-fours, that Israel is Jewish, its uncertain whether a 21st century American Jew would concede as much.

How are American Jews to understand the Israeli prime ministers actions, which breathe new life into the dry bones of historical doubts of Israels concern for Judaism at large? Is his cozying up toanti-Semitic Evangelical preachers and the most offensive U.S. president in memory at the expense of U.S. Jews a return to the Negation of the Diaspora theory? Or is it the crystallization of a new, frightening brand of Zionism so distorted from the past that it can only be called, Alt-Zionism a rabid dog wagged by its extremist, Jewish fundamentalist tail? The current governmentsAlt-Zionism demonizes the press, decapitates the Israeli Supreme Court, rids the Knesset of Arab representation, passes unjust laws that threaten to turn Israel into a pariah apartheid state, and has no need for any diaspora Jewry that doesnt fund the Judaization of East Jerusalem and the West Bank.

Driving a wedge between Israel and U.S. Jewry while threatening their already wilting symbiosis is corrupt on a profound, Big-History scale. A country where Jews are safe is imperative. A world without the Jewish diaspora, however, is unthinkable.

Benjamin Netanyahu fancies himself a historically significant leader, a kind of Jewish Winston Churchill; he has gone on record repeatedly about his deep admiration for the British prime minister who risked isolation and unpopularity before World War II rather than negotiate with Nazi Germany. But Netanyahu, in throwing the American Jewish community under the bus of right-wing Israeli fanaticism, has proven himself to be more of a Marshal Ptain.

David Sarna Galdi is a former editor at Haaretz newspaper. He works for a nonprofit organization in Tel Aviv. Reprinted, with permission, from +972 Magazine. Photo: Benjamin Netanyahu listens to chief IDF cantor Arye Braun courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

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Netanyahu's Alt-Zionism Has No Need for American Jews - LobeLog


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