Posted By  richards on February 15, 2013    
				
				    Moderator: Edward Schumacher-Matos, Ombudsman, National Public    Radio    Speakers:     Edward Alden, Bernard L. Schwartz Senior Fellow, Council on    Foreign Relations, Richard Land, President, Ethics &    Religious Liberty Commission, Southern Baptist Convention, and    Eliseo Medina, International Secretary-Treasurer, Service    Employees International Union    February 14, 2013    Council on Foreign Relations  
    EDWARD SCHUMACHER-MATOS: Good morning, everyone, and welcome to    the Council on Foreign Relations for this program this morning    on immigration reform. My name's Edward Schumacher-Matos. I am    the ombudsman at NPR; I also am a fellow at the Migration    Policy Institute and have taught a lot on migration policy at    the Harvard Kennedy school.  
    You know, we are here today because Congress seems to be, you    know, on the verge, finally, of pushing through a comprehensive    immigration that promises to be both historic and possibly even    have profound effects on the nation. How historic? Let me sort    of give this conversation this morning put in some kind of a    historical context.  
    The U.S. was essentially an open country until the 1920s when    it began to impose a series of national quotas. These ended,    sort of, the 40-year-long Great Migration wave characterized by    Ellis Island and about half our Hollywood movies. Immigration    was reduced to a trickle for the next almost 40 years. Then, in    1965 in the midst of the whole civil rights movement, those    quotas were greatly loosened and they were rearranged. What no    one realized at the time was that they were setting in motion    profound changes to the ethnic, racial and educational makeup    of the United States.  
    And still -- so now it looks like Congress now -- another    40-year period having passed  a little bit more  may pass the    third  the third great change in the nation's immigration    system. That may not have as radical an effect as the last two.    Then again, it may. One, immigration is so politically    explosive here and everywhere in the world, for obvious    reasons. It's the policy that directly affects who your    neighbors are, who your children are going to marry, who    they're going to go to school with, and who are your fellow    citizens.  
    The emerging consensus that Congress is likely to legalize the    more-than 11 million immigrants living here illegally is likely    to tighten the family reunification criteria, is likely to open    up a high-skilled immigration in a way we never have before, is    likely to reintroduce a large-scale guest-worker program, is    likely to further militarize our Mexican and possibly even our    Canadian border, and is likely to introduce workplace controls    that will affect all American workers looking for a job.  
    The effort is being led in the Senate by what is being called    the Gang of Eight. These include four Republicans  McCain,    Graham, Rubio and Flake  and four Democrats  Schumer, Durbin,    Bennet and Menendez. Since the last effort to fix our    immigration system failed in 2007 when President Bush couldn't    even carry his own party, the Democrats have been pretty much    irrelevant, and the game has been in the Republican Party    because of the great opposition by its insurgent Tea Party    movement and by the populist-right conservatives in this    country. They're sort of opposed to any kind of comprehensive    immigration reform until almost all the undocumented immigrants    have been forced out and the borders controlled.  
    If Republicans in the Senate and in the House before 2010 were    allowed to vote their conscience, we would already have    comprehensive immigration reform. What has changed today,    however,  what finally has politically moved them to want to    do something is that Romney got just 27 percent of the Hispanic    vote and about as bad among the Asians, if not worse. The    demographic writing is on the wall, and so the great movement    now in the Republican Party is to get with the program and try    to do something on comprehensive immigration reform.  
    But as we get closer to a deal, you're going to see Democrats    suddenly throwing up some of the roadblocks in the    negotiations. I would like to caution you this morning not to    think of immigration reform as Republicans versus Democrats.    Since the beginning of the republic, immigration has always    been an issue of strange bedfellows. On one side, you've got    the humanitarian left, including many of the churches, united    with the business right. And on the other side, you've got the    unions, normally seen as from the left, but being opposed to    bringing in all these workers, united with the populist,    nativist sort of lower-middle-class and even middle-class in    the country.  
    So, it's against that background that we're really fortunate    today to have our panel. And let me say we have two of the    sexiest bedfellows we could have.  
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CFR-Politico Online Chat on U.S. Immigration Policy
				
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