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Special Envoy Lipstadt Travel to Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates – United States Department of State – Department of State

Posted By on June 26, 2022

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On June 26, 2022, Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism, Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt, will depart for her first international trip since assuming her role in April 2022. The 11-day trip will include stops in Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates.

Special Envoy Lipstadt will meet with senior governmental and civil society interlocutors to discuss important changes underway in the Middle East. Her engagements will emphasize promoting interfaith understanding, as well as combating intolerance and anti-Jewish sentiment. Amb. Lipstadt intends to build on the profoundly important Abraham Accords to advance religious tolerance, improve relations in the region, and counter misunderstanding and distrust.

For further information, please contact SEAS@state.gov, or visit Special Envoy Lipstadts official twitter account @StateSEAS for updates throughout the trip.

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Special Envoy Lipstadt Travel to Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates - United States Department of State - Department of State

Israel to invest 880 mln USD in climate technology innovation – ThePrint

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Jerusalem [Israel], June 27 (ANI/Xinhua): Israels Ministry of Environmental Protection announced on Sunday that the country will invest 3 billion shekels (about 880 million U.S. dollars) to facilitate innovation in climate technologies.

The decision is aimed at accelerating innovation in Israels climate tech ecosystem to support Israels efforts to address the climate issue, according to the ministry.

Major quantitative goals to support climate innovation stated in the decision are expected to be met by 2026.

These goals include the doubling of climate tech applied studies, patents, startup companies, and pilot projects carried out on state infrastructure, increasing the number of fundraising deals and Israeli venture capital funds specializing in climate technologies, and the promotion of joint research with other countries.

The plan also includes the use of satellites to monitor climate change and environmental hazards, and the establishment of a technology incubator to promote projects, according to the ministry. (ANI/Xinhua)

This report is auto-generated from ANI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

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Israel to invest 880 mln USD in climate technology innovation - ThePrint

World must take action to stop Israel’s systematic torture of Palestinians: NGO – Press TV

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Israel must be held accountable for its systematic torture of Palestinian inmates, a non-governmental organization based inthe occupied territorieshas said.

The Initiative for the Promotion of Global Dialogue and Democracy, also known as Miftah, which was established in 1998 as an independent Palestinian civil society institution, issued a report on Sundayto mark the International Day in Support of the Victims of Torture, detailing various forms of ill-treatment of Palestinians by the Israeli prison authorities.

Palestinian inmates are denied basic human rights and continue to languish behind bars. Israel continues to violate international law regarding the treatment of prisoners, the report said.

Despite the absolute prohibition of torture and ill-treatment under international law, Israeli occupying forces and prison authorities employ various torture and ill-treatment techniques against almost all Palestinian political prisoners and detainees, including women and children, leaving grave physical and psychological damage.

Those torture techniques includeprolonged stress positions, beatings, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, deliberate medical negligence, physical and verbal sexual abuse, force-feeding, humiliation and threat on family members.

Israeli prison authorities, occupying forces and interrogators feel emboldened to commit such acts of torture with full impunity knowing that neither the complicit Israeli legal system nor the international community will hold them accountable.

A large number of Palestinian prisoners are also being held in Israeli jails without any charge or trial under the so-called administrative detention where incarceration periods can be renewed indefinitely.

Israel also extensively uses administrative detention to detain hundreds of Palestinians for indefinite periods of time with no charge or trial based on secret charges, something Palestinian human rights organization Addameer has identified as a cruel form of psychological torture, the report read.

Advocacy groups describe Israels use of the detention as a bankrupt tactic and have long called on Israel to end its use.

Latest figures show the Israeli regime has arrested over one million Palestinians, including women and children, since 1967.

Elsewhere in the report, Miftah demanded an investigation by theInternational Criminal Court(ICC) into the Israeli crimes and its systematic torture of Palestinians.

Over 7,000 Palestinian prisoners are currently held in some 17 Israeli jails, with dozens of them serving multiple life sentences.

The Israeli Prison Service (IPS) keeps Palestinian prisoners under deplorable conditions lacking proper hygienic standards. They have also been subject to systematic torture, harassment and repression all through the years of Israels occupation of the Palestinian territories.

According to the Palestine Detainees Studies Center, about 60% of the Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails suffer from chronic diseases, a number of whom died in detention or after being released due to the severity of their cases.

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World must take action to stop Israel's systematic torture of Palestinians: NGO - Press TV

What Makes the Israeli Army So Powerful? – 19FortyFive

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Since 1948, Israels Defense Forces (IDF) has played an instrumental role in preserving the survival of the Jewish state. Israel has undergone a major military operation in every decade since its inception that has shaped the countrys defensive and offensive strategies. Its Ground Forces have served in every mission, including the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the 1956 Suez Canal Crisis, the 1967 Six-Day War, the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the 1976 Operation Entebbe, the 1982 Lebanon War, the First and Second Intifadas and the Gaza Wars.

Despite its small population size and lack of funds and weaponry early on, Israel hosts a formidable army that could arguably be called the most powerful in the region.

Israeli Army: Origins

Prior to Israels founding in 1948, an underground military organization dubbed The Haganah functioned to protect the new state free of foreign authority. At the end of World War I, the Allies assigned Great Britain the mandate over Palestine. In 1920, riots in Jerusalem turned deadly between Jews and Arabs around the Old City. In response to the riots, British troops withdrew from the territory and were blamed for failing to stop the violence. The Haganah grew from the riots and the Jews mistrust in the British troops abilities. The organization evolved from an unorganized militia to a full-on military after a second wave of riots swept the region in the late 1930s, referred to as the Arab revolt. Then-Prime Minister Ben-Gurion transformed the Haganah into the IDF in 1948.

Israels army has grown to become the powerful entity it represents today in part due to its weapons arsenal. In its early wars, the IDF learned from its mistakes and failures in combat and began enhancing available foreign tech to serve its missions. Israels Spike missile is a perfect example. The fire-and-forget anti-tank guided missile is considered to be the premier in its field according to experts. The weapon came to fruition following the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Ill-equipped and out-numbered, Israels Armored Forces struggled to contend with enemy fire during the assault in the southern Golan region. Over one hundred Israeli soldiers died at the onset of this conflict, which led to the creation of the tank killing missile. Since its introduction in the IDF, the Spike missile has been used successfully in countless battles and has been exported to several militaries worldwide.

The Israeli Army Is Well Equipped

Another critical component in the Israeli Armys arsenal is the Merkava tank. The battle tank entered service in the 1970s after the United Kingdom reversed a joint-tank initiative that would have provided Israel with its Chieftain tanks. At this point, the IDF understood it could not rely on foreign imports to ensure its armored superiority. Israels prioritization of ramping up its domestic production capability led to the debut of the battle tank. Considered to be the backbone of the armored corps, the Merkava tank is in part responsible for Israels success against the Syrian T-72 tanks in the 1982 Lebanon War.

Israels cutting-edge arsenal today makes the IDF a powerhouse in the Middle East. In addition to its sophisticated domestic product capabilities, the Jewish states enhancements and modifications of foreign technology shape its military potential.

Maya Carlinis a Middle East Defense Editor with 19FortyFive. She is also an analyst with the Center for Security Policy and a former Anna Sobol Levy Fellow at IDC Herzliya in Israel. She has by-lines in many publications, including The National Interest, Jerusalem Post, and Times of Israel.

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What Makes the Israeli Army So Powerful? - 19FortyFive

Jefferies opening office in Israel, President declares, This is just the beginning" – CTech

Posted By on June 26, 2022

"We've never been so busy in Israel, and I've been working here since the 1980s. In the last two weeks, 10 Jefferies bankers have come here," says Jefferies Investment Bank President Brian Friedman. "Currently there are seven deals in the pipeline - acquisitions and also private investments - and this is just the beginning. There is a real train of investment funds that have not operated here to date, and after the change in market pricing they see the companies here as very interesting. By September, 20 private funds will arrive in Israel. We organize for the private funds that come to see Israeli companies, something similar to organized tours. There are also wealth funds of certain countries and mutual fund management companies that want to meet with public companies."

In an exclusive interview with Calcalist, Friedman reveals that it is precisely now, when the market is apparently slowing down, that it was decided to open a permanent Jefferies branch here, which will employ several workers. This follows the sharp rise in activity that has brought almost every week several company workers to Israel. The activity in Israel will be managed by Natti Ginor, who already coordinates most of the local activity.

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Brian Friedman - President of Jefferies

(Photo: Dana Kopel)

Isnt it a little late? After all, in the high tide years you did not have a permanent representation here.

"Pricing in the Israeli market is now more attractive than ever. There are public companies that grow by 50% a year and trade at low multiples. Some funds want to make a takeover bid and take them private. Some companies planned an IPO this year, had to postpone it and would be happy for private investment. There is also a resurgence of mergers and acquisitions around the world, and there are positive signs of this in the activities of Warren Buffett, who has already made two acquisitions, as well as the huge deal in which Broadcom acquired VMware for $61 billion. Some funds say: 'In order for Israeli companies to make the big leap, they must make acquisitions. Now there are opportunities for that, and we have the checkbook. The tone in the last two months is completely different, and it does not seem like something temporary, but a fundamental structural change in looking at Israel. We always thought about it, but there was no urgency. Israel has always been important for us, like Northern California, but in recent years it has not only been about the technology and biomed industries, but also the financial sector that has developed greatly and is more interesting than before."

Jefferies has entered the Big 10

Jefferies is far from the size of Goldman Sachs or UBS, but the significant leap it has made in recent years has put it in the top ten of U.S. investment banks. A negligible 0.1% share of the investment banking market in 2000 for Jefferies mushroomed last year to 4% of the market estimated at $100 billion. The bank's annual profit doubled to $1.7 billion after revenues jumped 37% to $7.1 billion.

Investment banking generated more than half of the revenue with $4.4 billion. Prior to founding Jefferies, Friedman, a lawyer by profession, previously worked at the Furman Selz boutique investment company, which was sold to ING Bank. According to rankings released by Dialogic, Jefferies rose to eighth place in global investment banking and seventh in global mergers and acquisitions. The bank, which employs 4,500 people, is also active in Europe with 1,000 there and has 500 employees in Asia.

In parallel with its growth, Jefferies increased its activity in Israel, with some deals which initially encountered a backlash. The bank's first deal to make headlines here was the IPO of the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange itself in collaboration with many foreign investors. Later, in the midst of the Coronavirus pandemic, Max Stock was issued in similar fashion with 70% foreign investors, and about a year ago it was behind the IPO of Nayax, the first unicorn to choose to issue at home in Israel rather than on Wall Street. At the same time, Jefferies served as the underwriter of the huge $11 billion ironSource SPAC merger. Jefferies also participated in the IPOs of Global-e and SimilarWeb in New York in 2021, and played a role in the deal in which the venture capital fund Vertex sold part of its portfolio to the American StepStone fund.

What is your position on the SPAC mergers, which are currently under scrutiny by the US Securities and Exchange Commission? Will this model return to Wall Street?

"I never say 'nothing and never.' SPACs also have a future. Looking back 12-18 months there has been massive activity in this market, and probably more than it can contain. But the concept itself is still valid. In a sense SPACs were an opportunity for the public market to participate in the venture capital industry and private equity funds, which was not available to the general investing public. This is an entry into another area - a little earlier in the companys life."

The difference between a factory and a tailor

Jefferies enters the Israeli market, saturated with large and strong competitors, such as Goldman Sachs or UBS.

How can you compete with such giants, who have been operating here for years?

"It's like the difference between a factory and a tailor, and we are a very large tailor, who brings very specific solutions to customers. The other banks that come from banking come from somewhere else. We see this in the growth of the business and in our results."

When it comes to IPOs or SPACs, what's so unique about you?

"In the good times it's more standard, but in the not so good times it requires a lot more care and thought. Personal tailoring. Our executives and veterans are very involved, and in the big banks this doesn't exist. For the past 25 years, especially since the Fed changed banking definitions under the GlassSteagall legislation, 'regular' banks have come to Wall Street. It welded Wall Street to the banks, but if you look at this development today, it didnt really work out well. Efforts have not been well managed, and we believe we are left as the one last real Wall Street firm. Today we compete head to head with the banks - Morgan Stanley, JPMorgan, Goldman Sachs - but we are different in that it is a group of people who first think of ideas and sew something personal."

What deals do you plan to look for here in the coming year?

"The dynamics in Israel are not fundamentally different from the United States or Europe, but relative to the size of the population, there is more entrepreneurship and technology here, and we very much identify with that. I have been doing business in Israel for more than 30 years, even before I joined Jefferies. In my previous firm I did the IPO of Gilat Satellite Networks, we worked with Teva and we also accompanied the IPO of Scitex. I know everyone."

Are you afraid of the change that is taking place in the public market, which has already begun to reflect on the private market? Many of those who entered here in 2001, at the height of the bubble, fled quickly.

"There is a huge difference between the sentiment in the first and current technology bubble. In 1999-2000 people were still trying to understand the capabilities and power of the internet, and many mistakes were made. Now it's more a matter of exaggerated expectations and levels of value. When there is less liquidity companies are worth less, but it is only re-pricing, given the new circumstances. We just have to decide what the new price is, and this is already a more normal and routine behavior of the economy and of its cycles."

What is similar and what is different in the current crisis compared to the previous ones?

"It's hard to describe how many challenging times I went through in my career, and fortunately the world never comes to an end. Experience shows that with each round we become more sophisticated, so recovery is faster. In 2001 it can be said that the recession lasted two years, but in retrospect these were only two years, from which we have recovered and a lot of interesting opportunities have been born. Jefferies thinks more broadly than just concepts of offerings or SPACs, which do not represent even 20% of our activity. We are very active in mergers, corporate refinancing, private investment, trading and other areas. True, there is a slowdown, but the market has not stopped. A lot of players will go through the current atmosphere and come out strengthened. If the company has no capital, there is capital available in the funds, if it cannot raise, it can be sold. The question is always the price, but the capital is available."

Everyone almost obsessively asks if we have gotten to the bottom. What do you think, given your experience on Wall Street?

"If I had an answer, I would be a trader and not sit here with you. The economy is struggling with inflation, which the pandemic and the war in Ukraine are increasing. The challenge for the world is to understand how much of inflation is structural and how much is transitory."

Have we not already gone through the discussion of transient inflation?

"The question is what part of it will pass and what part is structural. The bottlenecks created during the corona period are starting to open up, and the big question is how the Fed will act - whether it will take dramatic action and what its scope will be. It is difficult to predict whether there will be a soft landing or not. Markets are moving ahead of the economy, so the trend may change there before the economy itself takes the turn. If we compare the recent decline in shares to the beginning of the pandemic in 2020, or to the crises of 2001 and 2008, we see that a large part of the damage has already been done. The bond market has also suffered many blows. In previous crises, the bond market has risen and not fallen. Sometimes, when everything goes down, people go into a frenzy believing that from now on the market will always go down. But that's not what's happening. There will be a dance around the bottom, but no one will whistle and shout, 'We have reached the bottom, from now on we are starting to go up'. I tend to look for positive signs, and one of them is the purchase that Warren Buffett's Berkshire Hathaway made. In general, after a significant move in the markets, the giant companies such as Broadcom, start making big moves when they think that value has already been created in the market. Is the situation currently dejecting? Yes, but today's melancholy is what creates tomorrow's opportunities."

As someone who remembers periods of high inflation, like in the 1970s and 1980s, can you give us some tips?

"Businesses at the time were inefficient, and did not think forward enough, which created an imbalance in the economy. In the case of the United States, there was still a shadow of the Vietnam War, and that required tremendous efforts on the part of Paul Volcker (Federal Reserve Chairman 1979-87) to break inflation. The market began to recover in 1982, before inflation calmed down, as it foresaw the end of the event. It also happened by chance to occur in the early days of technology with the advent of the first personal computer in 1984. The world today is much more sophisticated, and there is better coordination between the economies of the countries. I am an optimist by nature, who is aware of the risks and manages them."

Position: President of the Jefferies Investment House

Previous positions: Head of Investment Banking at Furman Selz LLC, lawyer in New York

Education: Bachelor's and Master's degrees in Economics and Accounting from Wharton, and a law degree from Columbia University

Marital status: Married + 2

One more thing: Last February he published "A Boomers Guide to Dealing with an Increasing Interest Rate Environment

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Jefferies opening office in Israel, President declares, This is just the beginning" - CTech

Roadmap from critics of Israel sends chill through Jewish community – The Boston Globe

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Many Israelis and American Jews disagree with Israeli policies regarding the Palestinians. However, regardless of our differences on Israeli policies, it is safe to say that the threats to Jewish life in the United States posed by those who created the Mapping Project should unite us in our support for the state of Israel as a refuge from this type of antisemitism.

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Barry Bergman

Newton

Mapping Project highlights harms that should be acknowledged

I share Robert Trestans concern about increasing hate crimes in the United States, including those fueled by antisemitism (Mapping project by Israel critics is antisemitic and must be condemned, Opinion, June 14). However, I cannot endorse Trestans call for condemnation of the Mapping Project.

The project identifies 13 well-defined harms, such as militarization, ecological harm, and Zionism (representing settler colonialism). The map identifies five types of links, such as association-collaboration, financial support, and partnership-ownership-membership, among more than 480 entities, such as universities, weapons manufacturers, police stations, etc., in 23 categories, only one of which is uniquely related to Israel: the Israeli consulate.

So, for example, there is no call to dismantle Harvard; rather, the call is to oppose Harvards relations with entities engaging in harm, such as that a board member of the defense contractor Raytheon is on the Harvard faculty. The site provides links in relation to an American Friends Service Committee report that F-16 fighter jets and Apache helicopters contain components manufactured by BAE Systems, and that these have been used repeatedly in Israeli attacks on densely populated civilian areas, killing thousands and destroying essential civilian infrastructure in Lebanon and Palestine. Trestans phrase vile and sinister is better applied to these attacks than to a website that categorizes them as harms.

Gary M. Stewart

Laguna Beach, Calif.

There is a purpose to the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions movement

Let me be clear: I wholeheartedly support the BDS (Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions) movement as a nonviolent way to dismantle the apartheid system in Israel. In addition, I believe that Zionism means many things to many people, and it is now rightfully being targeted as the driving force behind the displacement of the Palestinian people.

In a June 14 op-ed Mapping project by Israel critics is antisemitic and must be condemned, Robert Trestan, the New England regional director of the Anti-Defamation League, criticized the Mapping Project for its overreach in targeting so many Jewish organizations. But Trestan himself overreaches in suggesting that the Mapping Project shows that the BDS movement is antisemitic. In my view, the ADL consistently conflates the issue of criticism of Israel with antisemitism and uses it to deflect and to defend Israel no matter what policies the country enacts.

If the ADL were true to its mission, it would be outraged, for example, regarding the expulsion by Israel of at least 1,000 Palestinian Muslim residents of Masafer Yatta in the West Banks South Hebron Hills who have been living there for generations. Why is the ADL silent about this issue?

Mark Golden

Newton

The hatred in this project should be condemned by all

Re Mapping project seen as call to violence against Jews: The targeting of Jews because of policy disagreements with Israel is the newest iteration of the oldest hatred, antisemitism. The developers of the Mapping Project are conflating members of a particular religious group, of which I am proudly a member, with the actions and existence of the only Jewish state. This insidious bias is as ancient as the Jewish people themselves and should be condemned by all groups, both majority and marginalized. If this naked hatred against people and institutions because of their Jewish connections is shrugged off, then that will give permission to haters to target any group because of perceived flaws.

Edwin Andrews

Malden

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Roadmap from critics of Israel sends chill through Jewish community - The Boston Globe

I am a Jewish Crimson Editor, and I See the Writing on the Wallof Resistance | Opinion – Harvard Crimson

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Zionism is Racism, Settler Colonialism, White Supremacy, Apartheid.

On April 29, the Crimson Editorial Board, of which I am an associate editor, published a Staff Editorial that embraced these claims, which were plastered onto the Palestinian Student Committees Wall of Resistance at the time. The Board proudly endorsed the associated Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement, while rendering the display a colorful and spirited emblem of passion. The article made no mention of the fact that BDS student activism has been tied to antisemitic exclusion and violence on college campuses.

Having missed the meeting where the Board shifted its stance on BDS, Ive spent an embarrassing number of hours puzzling over the decision, attempting to make sense of the Boards reasoning. Yet the more I read the Staff Editorial, the more muddled its logic seemed to become. The Board, seemingly seduced by the colorful Wall of Resistance, directs virtually no attention to any concrete or balanced exploration of the conflict, instead evading it by stating that we cant nuance away Palestinians lived realities. And eventually, after having evaded all precision and nuance, it blindly accepts BDSs flawed, factually misleading mission.

And now, BDS co-founder Omar Barghouti has authored a Crimson letter to the editor that repeats a host of deceptive anti-Zionist talking points, recycling references to what others have dubbed Jewish supremacy while highlighting reports that characterize the Israeli-Palestinian relationship as a racial dispute. These declarations arent just wildly distorted; theyre dangerous. They paint a reductive portrait of the Jewish state, demonizing the nation and delegitimizing its very existence. But they are also provocative, evoking emotion, and are cloaked with a blanket of resonant humanitarian claims. For unknowing onlookers with a taste for justice, that seems to be all that matters.

This slick dynamic, Ive come to realize, captures the essence and the dangerous artistry of the broader BDS movement.

It is my intuition that Zionism is not what the Editorial Board or most people backing an anti-Zionist agenda in the name of justice believes they are rejecting, or likening to racism and cruelty. Instead, they are rejecting a false projection of Zionism one that has been carefully constructed by movements like BDS, whose entire narrative is founded upon a hefty hijacking of Jewish identity and history.

BDSs official website explicitly writes that Israels origins can be found within a racist ideology of European colonialism, which it then ties to the Zionist movement. But the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not rooted in a racial struggle, nor in an ideology of superiority or hate. On the contrary, Zionism was born in 1896 as a movement of liberation, of freedom, and of resisting unfair power imbalances during a period in which Jews across Europe were persecuted barred from government assemblies, attacked in the press, and excluded from business dealings, hotels, social circles, and clubs.

Early Zionist settlers in Palestine didnt steal or conquer the land as they came in throughout the late 19th and early 20th century, as is the case with most European settler colonialism narratives; they bought the land. And in fact, early leaders of the Zionist movement, like Theodor Herzl, explicitly rejected the idea of displacing non-Jewish populations.

Nonetheless, as the Jewish population in the region grew in the years prior to 1947, Jewish people increasingly suffered violent attacks, killings, rapes, and mass lootings from neighboring non-Jewish groups.

After erasing this early history and redefining Zionism entirely, the BDS website then goes on to reduce Israels violent establishment in 1948 to an act of ethnic cleansing against those indigenous to the region, designed to uproot as many Palestinians as it can. These words, too, reflect a complete erasure, perversion, and demonization. First of all, Jews were already indigenous to the region, as archaeological and biblical evidence has underscored.

Next, Israels declaration of independence came only after a 1947 United Nations two-state solution was met with fierce opposition from Arab leaders and with the burning of Jewish homes, synagogues, and murders. Most guttingly, this narrative not only ignores but subverts the post-Holocaust environment by charging Jewish people, fresh out of the Holocaust, with a premeditated ethnic cleansing plot. It is my suspicion that this final move reflects an effort to counter and negate the one piece of Jewish history that cannot so readily be muted or transformed.

The particular form of anti-Zionist rhetoric fueled by the BDS movement isnt just misleading its also brazenly antisemitic, with its origins traceable to a KGB propaganda campaign that thrived under the leadership of KGB chairman Yuri Andropov. The campaigns aim was to undermine the Israeli state amid its growth in the Cold War period, and igniting antisemitism was seen as a strategic means to that end. The operations leaders treated Hitlers Mein Kampf as something of a bible, using it as a source of information about Zionism. In publications, the campaign circulated direct replicas of Nazi Germany caricatures that now attacked Zionists instead of Jews. The USSR also added new vilifying analogies into the mix equating Zionism to Nazism itself, and construing Zionism as an inherently racist ideology. Today, the BDS movement has thrived upon these very tacts: At the BDS movements fringes, comparisons between Jews and Nazis are weaponized. And at the BDS movements heart, the denigrating conflation of Zionism and racism continues to pulsate loudly.

Today, the BDS movements leaders, like Barghouti, may outwardly oppose antisemitism. But misinformation was part and parcel of what made anti-Jewish hatred, and eventually genocide, a thinkable project in Nazi Germany. Its what turned Soviet Jews into targets of persecution and hatred years later. Now, the BDS movement is being driven by strikingly similar notes of factual manipulation. One can only expect that the inherited offshoots of this rhetoric would continue to spur antisemitic violence today.

This is exactly what has taken shape amidst BDSs expanding reach, which stretches outward onto todays college campuses: One report explicitly attributed the increase in antisemitic incidents on campuses to the rise of the BDS movement. Anti-Zionist and pro-BDS student groups also produce outright exclusion, as legions of college students across the country are pledging not to affiliate with pro-Israel student organizations and are isolating individual Zionist students. Sometimes, these attacks more overtly transpose themselves onto Judaism itself. Only a few years ago at Stony Brook University, a student member of the schools pro-BDS, anti-Zionist Students for Justice in Palestine chapter was quoted in the school paper as stating, we want Zionism off this campus, so we also want Hillel off this campus.

Jewish people are also systematically shut down by the BDS movements followers when they try to speak up: According to the Anti-Defamation League, a central goal of SJP, a leading source of BDS activism on college campuses, is to protest pro-Israel campus events by heckling speakers to the point of quietitude. As dialogue is stifled by anti-Zionist and pro-BDS students, vilifying slurs and monikers, new and old, also tend to make their way into the air from referencing the trope of a smelly Jew, to chanting Zionists are terrorists, to spewing the words fcking Zionist.

BDSs strategy of ideological warfare is all the more frightening because of how well it works after all, it has led some of the most decent, kind, and thoughtful people that I know at Harvard to become patrons and propagators of antisemitism.

The Board admits, still in line with past precedent, that BDS is a blunt tool. I believe that this tool is finer than we realize. It has been sharpened by societal forces, and historical precedents, in order to wage what is, at its core, not a fundamentally economic war of boycotts and sanctions but a more sinister and violent ideological one. People like me a f-cking Zionist, a smelly Jew, a modern-day Elder of Zion are not simply collateral damage in this war. We are targets directly wounded by signals and signs of rhetorical weaponry, and dismissed when we respond to what we know has historically been the writing on the wall.

Writing this has not been easy not just because of the complicated history, to which I have personal ties. It has also been difficult because BDS is the embodiment of everything that I have known the Board to stand against and, in light of the Boards failure to recognize that, I cant help but feel a strange mix of sadness, disappointment, and fear. Back in February 2020, we opined as a Board that casting either group as the evil one in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a counterproductive approach, and we made an explicit call for nuance. Now, the Board has tacitly endorsed Israels demonization while maintaining that we cant nuance away Palestinians lived realities. In my view, this is yet another testament to BDSs chilling artistry; it is an embodiment of the fact that BDSs messaging invokes an emotional reaction that bypasses thought at a visceral level. When nuance is present, it becomes harder to demonize one party so BDS does all that it can to reject that complexity and thought.

This negation of nuance doesnt just enable the mobilization of age-old antisemitic machinery. It also fuels discord and division, when what the mitigation and eventual resolution of this conflict most desperately need is unity, objectivity, and even-handed advocates calling for peace. Still, I have to believe that we all fundamentally want to pursue progress, productive dialogue, and peace its just that some of us were seduced, by misinformation and passion, into thinking that BDS could get us there.

I dont know what you see. Maybe its color; maybe its spirit. I see a violent history that has been reproduced in a camouflaged modern-day form.

Gemma J. Schneider 23, a Crimson Associate Editorial editor, is a Government concentrator in Pforzheimer House.

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I am a Jewish Crimson Editor, and I See the Writing on the Wallof Resistance | Opinion - Harvard Crimson

Review of Judaism 3.0: Judaism’s Transformation To Zionism – The Jewish Press – JewishPress.com

Posted By on June 26, 2022

Her advice?The only response to anti-Zionism, is Zionism.

A new book claims that Zionism is more than a conscious option open to Jews toexpress their Jewish identity. Instead, Zionism is developing into a key,indispensable element of Jewish identity. More than that: Zionism today isbecoming the glue that will maintain Jewish identity and strengthen it goingforward. The author, Gol Kalev, is a former Wall Street investment banker, nowliving in Israel, where he writes for The Jerusalem Post and is thechair of the America-Israel Friendship League Think Tank.

In his new book,Judaism 3.0: Judaisms Transformation To Zionism,Kalev writes:

He contrasts Judaism 3.0 with Judaism 1.0, when the original organizingprinciple was the Temple and the physical presence of the Jewish people inJudea and with Judaism 2.0, (or Rabbinic Judaism) after the Templewas destroyed and the Jews were exiled. The Temple was replaced by thesynagogue and the sacrifices were replaced with prayer. This is when theinsular ghetto replaced the insular life in Judea, and the yearning to returnto Zion replaced the actual presence in Jerusalem. [p. 12]

While he applies this broadly, Kalev also devotes a portion of his book inexplaining how this applies to American Jews, at a time when American Jewsface a high rate of assimilation on the one hand and outright intimidation andattacks both on colleges and in the streets on the other.

In Chapter VI, The Transformation of Judaism American Jews, Kalevnotes that political Zionism originally had little to offer Jews in America.Political Zionism was a way to address the misery of the Jews suffering fromantisemitism. That was a powerful message in Europe, but America in the 20thcentury, by contrast, offered Jews freedom and a level of acceptance thatthey had not experienced in Europe. Jews integrated in American society.They did not need Zionism, and saw it as an encumbrance if not a threat totheir status in America.

This integration led to a change in their Jewish identity in America. Therewas a denationalization from Judea the yearning to returnto Judea and the association with Israel changed. Judaismwent from a nation-religion to being reduced to being a mere religion.

And then on top of that came the secularization.

With the weakening of religion as the glue that anchored Jewish identity,over the past 80 years, other glues served as substitutes to maintain thatsense of Jewish identity:

1. Memory of the Holocaust: The Holocaust has been the mostsignificant Jewish issue that united the Jews in the second half of the20th century through today. The Holocaust, along with its lessons andmemories, drives Jewish organizational policy and has dominated much ofthe Jewish community ethos

2. Nostalgia for Ashkenazi/Eastern European roots: The secondAmerican Jewish glue was the culture of Yiddish, the shtetl, Jewish food(gefilte fish, bagel and lox) and Eastern European Jewish heritage. [p.139]

According to Kalev, while the memory of the Holocaust and nostalgia forthe Eastern Europe past have succeeded in replacing the fading glues ofreligion, insularity and discrimination, memories of the Holocaust arefading as the generations of Holocaust survivors die. The same holds truefor nostalgia for the old country which may actually be for the best.

On this point Kalev notes:

Astonishingly, nostalgia to the old country became nostalgia tovalues and elements of life which the Jews utterly detested while theywere there. The ghetto life in Poland that was considered miserable in real time,became idolized in AmericaThe retroactive glorification of Yiddish andPolish/Russian old country was done since there was no tangible connectionto the real old country to Zion. [143; emphasis added]

Today, in the face of the weakening if not outright lack of glues fortheir Jewish identity, for a growing number of Jews, as important as theirJewish identity may be for them, it takes a back seat to other roles andother cultural identities. He is less likely to bring up his synagogue orJewish school and more likely to bring up his college, a country club or hisjob. Instead of discussing the weekly parsha, he is more likely to want totalk about the newest restaurant or movie.

The concern that Kalev is focusing on in his book is not the Orthodox Jewswho connect with their Jewish identity through its religious component, norwhat he refers to as engaged Jews who are active in Jewish causes andevents.

Instead, the concern is for the majority of the Jews for whom beingpart of the Jewish community is not an important commitment and is low ontheir hierarchy of identities and priorities. The culture of the typicalAmerican Jew is the American culture. Jewish culture today for many iseating a bagel with lox and cream cheese.

What passes for Jewish culture today for the majority of Jews is not enoughto maintain a sustainable connection to their Judaism.

One attempt to create a new expression of Jewish identity in progressivecircles is found in the call for Tikkun Olam righting wrongs,doing good deeds, doing charitable work and making the world a better placeto live. But Kalev writes that as an attempt to strengthen Jewish identity,it is doomed to fail, because

that is a very weak connector, since other groups engage in similarcharitable actions.

If anything, it supports the notion of universalim of Judaism not beingany different than any other group, religious or otherwise.

Moreover, a Jewish person engaging in such good-doing does not need to doit in a Jewish context. [p. 147]

In other words, the failure of Tikkun Olam as a bond to Judaism lies in thefact that it does the opposite of what it is alleged to do. Instead ofconnecting Jews to their unique identity, it promotes the idea ofuniversalism, that Judaism is no different from any other religion.No different than any other group. This is especially true when Tikkun Olamis made all about human rights or humanitarian aid. The approach toinspiring Jewish identity through Tikkun Olam is self-defeating and doomedto failure.

Along with this weakening of Jewish identity in the US we are witnessing theambivalence of Jews towards their Jewish leadership. In the 20th century,these leaders were not only looked up to by American Jews they wereinfluential and other leaders, both national and international, met withthem regularly.

But today, while the appearances continue, as new faces replace the oldfamiliar ones, the Jewish community does not accept the Jewish leadership asunquestioningly as it once did. The new leaders do not carry the samegravitas, and besides American Jews are free to bypass them:

An American Jew can access his own tailor-made basket of leaders that suitshis own evolving preferences: A rabbi, a teacher, a blogger, a progressiveJewish thinker, a comedian, a tour-guide he had in Israel or an Israelipolitical leader. Hence the Jew can now turn away from Jewish Federations,the UJA and other Jewish structures as the point of orientation for Jewishleadership, and instead turn towards Israel. [p. 151]

Going a step further, Kalev suggests the same applies to the end of the oldJewish icons. He contends that Jerry Seinfeld, Barbara Streisand and JonStewart are no more personifications of todays Judaism for those lessaffiliated than J. R. Ewing and his family are personifications of todaysDallas. Similarly, the old image of the Woody Allen stereotype of the weakJew is now historic and no longer contemporary. Jewish symbolslike Yiddish, a pastrami sandwich and bagels & lox are no longersingularly relevant to the Jewish identity as much as they have becomerelevant to Americans of all backgrounds as a Jewish reference pointThisis just like most customers in Italian restaurants are not Italian and mostof those ordering Chinese takeout are not Chinese [p. 155].

Enter the Israelization of the American-Jewish experience, where

thanks to the expanding array of relatable Israeli products and experiences,Judaism, through Zionism, is becoming increasingly relevant for theyoung American Jew. This is not by duty, but by choice. [p. 157; emphasisadded]

Israel is no longer seen as an object of charity, as symbolized bythe blue JNF box. That was in the past. Today, Israel is considered for whatit offers, both internationally through its innovations,entrepreneurial spirit, art and culture, wine industry, academic centers andthink tanks.

Kalev is not talking about inspiring a sense of Jewish pride and identity onthe abstract level. He writes about concrete elements that AmericanJews can connect with as expressions of their Jewish identity. He suggeststhat this allows for a non-political connection with Israel, one that makesit possible to embrace Israel even while disagreeing with its policies something that Palestinian Arabs are beginning to realize:

The ability to disconnect or suppress politics paved the way forPalestinians in the West Bank to seek employment and mentorship by Israelis,and to even get funding for Palestinian start-ups from Israelis.This underscores how audiences can connect to Israels success anddesirability without endorsing or having a particular opinion on politicalissues. [p.158; emphasis added]

In a similar way, an American Jew who enjoys Israeli products does not dothis as an endorsement of Israeli policies and will not suddenly stopidentifying with Israel just because of a policy he disagrees with.

This does not ignore the fact that there are those who support BDS, butthere too, due to the wide range of Israeli products it becomes evident thata literal boycott of all Israeli products is not the goal of the BDSmovement, but rather the attention that can be gained by advocating for thatcause.

The Israelization of the American Jewish community is therefore not apolitical phenomenon, but rather a cultural one. Israeli showssuch as Fauda, Shtisel, Mossad 101 andTehran are now showing up on American TV, with the result thatAmerican Jews are exposed to new Jewish icons.

Today, there is a lot of discussion about the current status of theconnection between American Jews and Israel, a connection that is oftenportrayed as weakening. But there is a development in Zionism that mayindicate a change that will help to strengthen those ties: Aliyah. Above, itwas pointed out that there is a distinction between duty andchoice. The same applies here, as Zionism is understood to gobeyond immigration to Israel:

Zionism was perceived to be about the establishment of the State of Israeland making Aliya. Indeed, Aliya was essential in the early years of Israel,and for decades Israeli leaders urged American Jews to make Aliya. A Jewchoosing to stay in the Diaspora was viewed with disappointment by Israelis,exerting some degree of guilt feeling someone who is not fulfilling hisduty as a Jew. [161]

Not only were Jews expected to make Aliyah once they arrived they wereexpected to Israelize. He was expected to shed his Diaspora identity andaccept the Israeli culture. Today, there is still an expectation that uponmaking Aliyah, he will learn Hebrew and speak the language. In the 1920s,this expectation led to the formation ofHebrew Language Brigadeswhich would reprimand people who didnot speak Hebrew to each other. Kalev compares this to France today, whichhas tried to do something similar with its own immigrants. (An obviousdifference is that unlike Muslim immigrants to France, Jews returning toIsrael have a cultural and historical bond to the country.)

Today, the pitch is not to make Aliya but to maintain strong connectionswith Israel, including coming to visit Israel, but also to be exposed to thecountry without having to be on a path toward Aliya even experiencingIsrael through a phone or laptop and dont forgetBirthright trips. In addition to the practical side Aliyah there is also the ideological side. Kalev quotes Herzl that Zionism includesnot only the aspiration to the Promised Landbut also the aspiration tomoral and spiritual completion.

The removal of the Aliyah requirement frees the way for unaffiliatedAmerican Jews to gain greater involvement and exposure to their Judaismthrough Zionism.

Today, since Judaism is not the defining element of the Jewish identity ofmost American Jews, in order for Judaism to be relevant, it has to beattractive and desirable. According to Kalev, the challenge is thatAmerican Judaism needs to thrive in a non-committal environment.

An American Jew increasingly seeks the non-committal component for hisvarious experiences, including for his affiliation with Judaism. But suchnon-committal affiliation is not possible under Judaism 2.0. The ask forthe American Jew is to commit more: join and come to synagogue more often,send your children to Hebrew school, donate to the UJA, be a member of theJewish community center and the other community Jewish organizations.[p.175]

Kalev contrasts this with those Israeli Jews for whom their religiousaffiliation is secondary to their Jewish identity. For such an Israeli Jew,his experiences in Israel shape his Jewish identity. Whatever his attitudetoward Jewish religiosity may be, he remains committed and fully affiliatedwith Judaism. This is in contrast with what Kalev calls Judaism 2.0, whereJewishreligious affiliation is the primary measure of the depth of onesconnection to Judaism.

Those American Jews who are not among the 20% who are Orthodox or among thestrongly committed are in danger and many are already disaffiliated. Forthem, Judaism 3.0 through Zionism is not necessarily going tobring them back to Judaism, but it doesprovide new ways to connect with Judaism. For some, this will preventfurther estrangement, while for others it may serve as a catalyst toreconnect.

Today, one aspect of the lives of American Jews acting as a catalyst isantisemitism, which is reaching levels that just a few years ago would havebeen unimaginable. We are in a situation where Jews on campus are afraid toopenly identify themselves as Jews.

But this rise in antisemitism can have a different effect as well:

This forces the unaffiliated and under-engaged Jew right back into hisJewish identity. But what is this identity? What is the point of Judaismthat such a Jew in abstention passively seeks to go back to? It is notthe synagogue which he has not frequented, nor the Holocaust that he doesnot think much about. The rise of such Jewish existential thinking leadsthe Jew into Israel as his identity benchmark this is the relevantassociation with his Jewish affiliation this is where he hears or thinksabout Judaism.This reality is exactly what Herzl envisioned when he saidthat anti-Semitism is a propelling force into Zionism. [p. 177]

From this perspective, the current rise in antisemitism as anti-Zionismpressuring American Jews to criticize Israel actually has a positivedimension. Kalev argues that the more an American Jew engages with theissues of Israels policies, the stronger his connection to Judaism. Sincemuch of the criticism directed towards Israel comes from unaffiliated Jewswho are drifting away from Judaism anyway, paradoxically, thecoincidental engagement with Israel of this group helps keep themJewish.If Not Nowcould be seen as an example of this.

Kalev is not suggesting a plan of action. On the contrary, he sees thistransformation where Zionism becomes a key component of Jewish identity assomething natural and organic. And it is a process that is happening now.Judaism 3.0 is as natural a transformation as the transformation to RabbinicJudaism from Judaism 1.0.

And the future of Jewish identity depends on it.

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This rabbi made the religious case for abortion 30 years ago it didnt go well. – Forward

Posted By on June 25, 2022

Information is displayed on a table at the Hope Medical Group for Women in Shreveport, Louisiana in April. When the state legislature sought to ban abortion in 1990, Rabbi Robert Loewy told lawmakers that doing so would violate the religious freedom of Jews. Photo by Getty Images

By Arno RosenfeldJune 24, 2022

Roe v. Wade was the law of the land in 1990 when a Louisiana rabbi brought a very Jewish message to the state capitol in hopes of stopping a bill that would have effectively banned abortion in the state. Now, with Fridays Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe, such bills have a much greater chance of becoming law. And Rabbi Robert Loewys 32-year-old strategy may prove more relevant.

Back then, Loewy made the drive from his home in the suburbs of New Orleans to the capitol in Baton Rouge to represent the New Orleans Jewish Federation. The states Jewish community was unified in opposition to the bill, echoing the liberal politics of most of its members. Loewy thought he had a trump card that would sway the religious lawmakers pushing the abortion ban: his own faith.

Jews, Loewy explained to a House committee, do not believe that life begins at conception as the bills sponsor had claimed, but that a fetus gradually acquires more rights as it develops.

There is a moral and ethical basis for a woman to undergo an abortion, Loewy told legislators.

J.J. Goldberg, a former editor of the Forward, recounted the episode in his 1994 book Jewish Power, and described it as a watershed moment in the communitys abortion advocacy.

The case for abortion as a matter of Jewish religious freedom is a powerful one, Goldberg wrote. But it had never before been made in a public forum.

The argument could become the next legal frontier, as Jews and Jewish groups make the case that bans and restrictions on abortion violate their First Amendment right to freely exercise their faith. The approach gained traction in early May after Politico published a leaked Supreme Court decision striking down Roe, which in 1973 established a constitutional right to abortion. The courts 6-3 ruling eviscerated that right.

At the Jewish Rally for Abortion Justice in May, speaker after speaker invoked the Jewish imperative to abortion in cases where the mothers health was at risk. Whose religious freedom are you trying to protect? Sheila Katz, chief of the National Council of Jewish Women, asked of those who are seeking to outlaw abortion. Not ours.

A synagogue in south Florida earlier this month sued to block legislation that would ban abortions after 15 weeks, arguing that it violated the state constitutions right to freedom of religion.

Rabbi Barry Silver brought the lawsuit on behalf of Congregation LDor Va-Dor, which he leads, and said that his goal was not just to send a message but to carve out protections for Jews in states where abortion is outlawed.

Its not just to make a point or something, Silver said in an interview. Its deadly serious.

But Loewys experience appealing to conservatives who sought to ban abortion 32 years ago may be instructive for the Jewish leaders making the same argument today.

Though Loewys synagogue, Congregation Gates of Prayer, was located near the liberal bubble of New Orleans, it sits in a conservative Congressional district that better reflects the rest of the state. At the time he testified on the abortion bill, his state representative was David Duke, the former grand wizard of the Klu Klux Klan.

Well aware of the legislatures conservative nature especially on abortion Loewy still thought his testimony might persuade some lawmakers by using language they could understand.

I was actually trying to say, if you believe its important to have religion in the public sphere you need to listen to one of the oldest religions, Loewy recounted in an interview this week. Probably naively I thought it would have an influence on votes.

Loewy, by most accounts, did not.

Rep. Louis Woody Jenkins, who was sponsoring the measure, mocked Loewys testimony about the Jewish tradition that babies who die before eight days should not receive a funeral.

We just heard from one crazy religion that doesnt even think babies are people after theyre born, Jenkins told reporters after the hearing.

When Loewy returned to the capitol a few days later to speak to another committee, lawmakers were prepared. Sen. Mike Cross the irony of his name was not lost on me, Loewy said interrupted the rabbi to ask if Judaism also permitted marijuana use and prostitution.

Loewy said that the Torah did not consider killing a fetus to be murder and tried to cite Exodus 21:22.

Thats not in my Bible, Cross snapped.

The incident became known as the rabbi roast, a term coined by a reporter at the time. The community backed off the religious argument, figuring that the reaction from hostile lawmakers was motivated by ignorance and intolerance of advocates for abortion rights not of Jews qua Jews.

Goldberg described local Jews as chastened by the reaction to the religious pitch for abortion access. In framing the bill as an assault on their religious freedom, he wrote, the Jewish communitys leaders may have gone one step too far.

They were holding up Jewish rights as a shield for a separate issue, on the assumption that their opponents had too much respect for religious freedom, and for Jews, to press the attack, Goldberg recounted. As they found out, that was a mistake.

Loewy said that his days testifying against the bill, which passed the legislature but would eventually be vetoed by the governor, would represent the high-water mark of his advocacy on the issue. The fierce backlash to his argument aside, abortion rights was a losing issue in a state with a huge base of conservative voters and the strong influence of the Catholic Church, which is opposed to birth control and abortion.

There are some fights that are just not worth having, Loewy said.

While Loewys approach may not have resonated in Louisiana in 1990, other Jewish leaders remain optimistic that the religious case for abortion rights is a compelling one. After NCJW sent hundreds of rabbis to lobby Congress earlier this year in support of a bill that would protect access to abortion nationally, Katz said that the legislation picked up 36 new sponsors.

It really showed us that there was power in rabbis and spiritual leaders and faith leaders showing up to say this was a religious freedom issue, Katz said. Her organization is also considering legal challenges to abortion bans and said that women who are impacted by those laws could reach out to NCJW.

While Katz emphasized the importance of challenging the idea that religion is anti-abortion, the legal question of whether outlawing abortion violates the religious freedom of Jews remains an open question.

Josh Blackman, a conservative constitutional scholar, wrote a blog post Monday arguing that liberal Jews, like those who belong to Silvers Florida synagogue, have a weak legal case when it comes to abortion because they do not follow other forms of halacha, or Jewish law.

If virtually every other facet of halacha is not binding on members of this congregation, how could it be that this one teaching on abortion is binding so binding, that a states prohibition of that teaching actually substantially burdens the free exercise of religion? Blackman wrote.

Blackmans blog post made waves on social media. Rabbi David Saperstein, a longtime leader in the Reform movement who spent decades working on religious freedom issues, said it missed a key point. The law typically requires only that a plaintiffs beliefs are sincere meaning judges would be unlikely to parse the difference between Reform and Orthodox Jews.

Saperstein said the larger challenge for Jews suing over abortion bans would be that the government could successfully argue that it had a legitimate societal interest in passing these laws that even sincere religious beliefs cannot override. This is similar to the reason why laws prohibiting child marriage have been upheld, despite some religions that encourage it.

Ironically, another potential victory for religious conservatives might open the door to a Jewish abortion exemption. Several Supreme Court justices appear willing to strike down a vaccine mandate in New York State that allows medical exemptions but bans religious ones, Saperstein noted. While Jews have historically opposed such religious carve outs, they may now turn to that line of argument in legal battles over abortion.

If you allow exemptions for anything you should allow it for people who have a legitimate religious claim, Saperstein said, and here the Jewish claim would be very strong.

Arno Rosenfeld is an enterprise reporter for the Forward, where he covers antisemitism, philanthropy and American Jewish institutions. You can reach him at arno@forward.com and follow him on Twitter @arnorosenfeld.

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This rabbi made the religious case for abortion 30 years ago it didnt go well. - Forward

This weeks Torah portion is all about the importance of independent journalism – Forward

Posted By on June 25, 2022

Moses and the 12 spies. Illustration by Jim Padgett/Sweet Publishing via Wikimedia Commons

Editor-in-ChiefJodi RudorenJune 24, 2022

This is an adaptation of Looking Forward, a weekly email from our editor-in-chief sent on Friday afternoons.Sign up hereto get the Forwards free newsletters delivered to your inbox.Download and print our free magazineof stories to savor over Shabbat and Sunday.

There is a special skill, or perhaps an innate gift, that many rabbis have, to take the weekly Torah portion and apply it to whatever is going on in the news or in their communities. I dont know if they have a class on this in Rabbi School, but Im constantly struck by the combination of the Torahs flexibility and our teachers modern-day insights.

And so it was on Tuesday, when I visited Adas Israel Congregation in Washington, D.C., for a talk about journalism and antisemitism, and Rabbi Aaron Alexander introduced the program with a few words about this weeks portion, Shlach Lcha.

You probably know the story. Moses sent 12 men, one from each tribe, to check out the promised land. They returned laden with plump grapes, pomegranates and figs, and confirmed it was indeed flowing with milk and honey. But they also saw fortified cities and giant people. The community fears theyll be unable to conquer the land, or settle in it. Appalled by their lack of faith, God banishes the Jews to 40 years of wandering in the desert.

Its commonly thought of as the story of the spies. But the Torah never says spy. It uses the Hebrew wordlatur to explore, to seek. Many scholars call the 12 men scouts, or simplyschlichim, representatives. Rabbi Alexander had a different take.

Moses sends out, essentially, journalists, into the land of Israel, he suggested. The men were asked to do an essential function in society: to learn about something that nobody knows about so that people and leadership can make decisions about what to do next.

And those 12 reporters did the job they were asked to do. They observed, they gathered facts and fruits and they shared what they had seen.

Disaster struck, Rabbi Alexander noted, when they were pushed to interpret beyond the facts, and when their audience brought its own beliefs and biases to bear.

There is a line in the portion, efes ki az haam, which is generally translated as but all this is for naught, because the nation there is too strong.Efesis Hebrew for zero as in, we have zero chance.Efesis where the reporters venture into editorializing.

Efesis like a pregnant pause, its like a however, I have to share with you something thats different from what I just said,' Rabbi Alexander explained. Efes is the only word that is suspect, that maybe changes it from direct reporting to someone giving it their own spin.

We are blessed, today, to have brave journalists literally risking their lives to bear witness to the atrocities of the war in Ukraine, to corruption in the Philippines, to this weeks horrific earthquake in Afghanistan and, yes, to the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To have investigative reporters who hold power to account and follow the story wherever it goes, without fear or favor. To have people who dig deep to explain the motivations and document the repercussions of mass shooters in Buffalo and Uvalde, to explore the vast and specific impacts of todays landmark Supreme Court ruling overturning Roe v. Wade.

And to have a talented, mission-driven team here at theForwardcontinuing a 125-year tradition of telling the American Jewish story, fully and fairly, broadly and deeply, warts and all.

But we are struggling, as a society, to honor that hard, crucial work for what it is. We have somehow allowed truth to become an elusive, flexible concept. We have let too many independent news outlets languish and become beholden to advocates less concerned with fairness and facts than with their personal and pre-determined agendas.

We are too busy keeping score Is this article positive or negative? Does this development help or hurt my political position? Will this be good or bad for the Jews? to allow ourselves to learn something new, to understand another persons perspective, to gain a more nuanced view of our complicated and broken world.

Nobody ever negates the reality of what was in the land, Rabbi Alexander noted about the Torahs scouts/spies/reporters. Theyre villains because we tell this story through the lens of faith, not through the lens of truth.

Its like everything gets immediately amped up, he added, and we can only read stories from our personal bias, we are now judging everything from some subjective experience of the world that allows us to see right and wrong in a way thats getting cloudy.

In a world in which truth is, unfortunately, a moving target, the rabbi said, we rely, desperately, on people to trust journalists.

I had written this much of todays column before the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade was announced this morning shortly after 10 a.m. I thought about switching gears, but Im not sure I yet have anything new to say about abortion beyond what I wrote when the draft opinion was leaked, aboutrevisiting the 1998 murder of an abortion doctor, and of coursemy own abortion story, which I told in this space last fall.

And in many ways, the abortion ruling only underscores the argument about our need for high-quality, independent journalism rooted in facts, especially on the issues that cleave our communities. Here are just a few of theForward articles we have published inthe seven weeks since it became clear the court would overrule Roe:

We will continue to coverthe lawsuits Jews have filed challengingnew abortion restrictions in places like Florida, and otherwise seek to understand what this new reality means, through our Jewish lens. We will go to the places where the future is unfolding, like the scouts sent to the promised land inShlach Lcha, this weeks Torah portion.

Ive been thinking since my chat with Rabbi Alexander about what those 12 reporters in the story could have done differently. What if theyd interviewed the people in that foreign land, rather than just observed them from afar?

Thats what differentiates reporters from scouts or spies; we talk to people, we listen to their stories with empathetic ears, we try to walk in their shoes, we work to reconcile their narratives in order to distill the truth. Instead of describing those people as giants and projecting that the Jews would be grasshoppers in their eyes, reporters would have developed a more three-dimensional view, would have heard their voices and shared their stories.

And what if Moses had sent some women among the 12? They would have gone beyond the fortified city walls to penetrate the homes inside. They would have talked to the mothers and wives and daughters of those giants. They would undoubtedly have returned, as the men did, with grapes and pomegranates and figs. And a fuller, fairer truth.

Youll undoubtedly be reading a lot this weekend about the Supreme Courts abortion ruling, so heres some counter-programming. Download the printable PDF or click on any of the headlines below to read online:

That Adas Israel talk where Rabbi Alexander made the connection between the Torah portion and our humble profession was a historic occasion, at least in my family. It was the first time that I have spoken publicly about journalism with my sisterDebbi Wilgoren, a 33-year veteran ofThe Washington Post,where she is now deputy national security editor. We spoke about the different ways mainstream publications like thePostand theForwardhandle stories like Buffalo and Januarys hostage-taking at a Texas synagogue and how we both got into this racket.

Jodi Rudoren became Editor-in-Chief of the Forward in 2019. Before that, she spent more than two decades as a reporter and editor at The New York Times. Follow her on Twitter @rudoren, email rudoren@forward.com and sign up here to receive her weekly newsletter, Looking Forward, in your inbox.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the authors own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspective in Opinion.

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This weeks Torah portion is all about the importance of independent journalism - Forward


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