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Letters To The Editor June 3, 2022 – The Jewish Press – JewishPress.com

Posted By on June 6, 2022

A Reasoned Approach to Abortion

I applaud Jews and Abortion in Secular Law, by Rabbis Michael Broyde and Gidon Rothstein (May 20). Their highly nuanced piece buttresses the calm assessment that I believe we must employ regarding this highly sensitive issue.

Almost 40 years ago, I wrote an opinion article concerning abortion in a (now defunct) Jewish magazine, and I stand by the points I made. I argued that observant Jews would do well to tread lightly regarding abortion. I listed numerous reasons for my view, including: 1. Judaism does not consider the life of a fetus equivalent to the life of a born person; 2. Even if one classifies abortion under the rubric of murder, that is because the procedure fits the broad category of taking a life, not because it is the same as taking a human life; and 3. There are times when Judaism requires one to abort, and we should not risk having a law that does not permit abortion in those circumstances.

Further, there are instances where, even lacking a threat to the life of the mother, great rabbanim have agreed that one can abort. A prominent recent instance was that of a Tay-Sachs fetus. Rabbi Eliezer Waldenberg, in Responsa Tzitz Eliezer 13:102, permitted abortion of such a fetus until the seventh month of pregnancy. Rabbi Moshe Feinstein strongly disagreed, and this debate dovetails with my view: If even in one religion there is such a gamut of opinion regarding abortion, that diversity multiplies when you add the views of other faiths. It is important, then, that the law should be fluid enough to allow flexibility.

I explained that American law is highly informed by the Jewish and Christian traditions, and indeed, moral law cannot logically stand without a religious basis. (If G-d did not command moral laws, then all morality is relative, and anything goes, including same-sex marriage and euthanasia.) Yet if we examine these religious traditions and do not find broad agreement on a subject, we are better served by not legislating.

I should add that while Jewish law finds leeway beyond cases where the mothers life is threatened by the pregnancy, we must never forget that to us, all human life is precious. Judaism does not recognize the pro-choice argument that a woman has the full right to do what she wishes with her body, especially when an additional body is impacted. In the ideal world, every fetus whose presence does not pose a danger to the mother would be carried to term. But our world is not ideal, and so as Jews, and as Americans, we should support reasonable access to abortion. Will every abortion suit Judaisms view? No, but this is not a Jewish country, and so we should seek to maintain our right to abortion when necessary while simultaneously using moral suasion to urge women to carry fetuses to term.

Avi GoldsteinFar Rockaway, N.Y.

Dont Say Ugly

Regarding Ode to the Ugliest Building in Jerusalem (May 27):

If I remember correctly, Rabbi Elazar ben Shimon was beside himself after he described a person as ugly (Taanit 20b).

Granted, brick and stones are devoid of feelings, but residents of the Amir Center may feel slighted.

Surely, an equally eye-grabbing headline could have been created without demeaning the Amir Center as being ugly.

Rabbi Shawn B. ZellFair Lawn, N.J.

When Silence Is Not Golden

The Torah describes Aharon HaKohens reaction to the death of his two sons as Vayidom Aharon, Aharon was silent. He had nothing to say in complaint to Hashem.

It seems that Jewish blood as usual is cheap according to Democrat administrations and certain news media. Where was the hue and cry when innocent Jewish civilians were brutally murdered by terrorists in the past?

Some of these Jewish victims were American citizens as well, yet not a solitary peep out of the Biden administration. An Arab reporter gets shot and killed during a firefight between the IDF and terrorists and the blame for her death is automatically placed on the IDF with no legitimate evidence or proof whatsoever. The FBI must be sent to investigate this crime is the hue and cry!

It has yet to be determined who actually fired the shot that killed the Al Jazeera journalist, yet the antisemites pile it on. Why is there no accountability assigned to the Arabs that refuse to accede to an honest and forthright investigation of the shooting? This alone speaks volumes regarding where the blame lies for this death. It is better to utilize this unfortunate event as a blood libel against Israel and the IDF, and there are so many willing accomplices to this heinous demonization of Jews and the Jewish state. Even if it was an IDF bullet that killed Abu Akleh, should anyone really believe that the most moral military on the face of the earth deliberately targeted a journalist?

We cannot and should not take the incredible high road taken by Aharon HaKohen, lehavdil, after the tragic death of his sons. We cannot and should not remain silent in the face of such dishonest and antisemitic actions by governments and news media. There is a time and place for Vayidom; this is not it.

George WeissBrooklyn, N.Y.

Put G-d Back in Society

Another mass shooting in Texas. Now were going to hear all the platitudes. We have to take back our streets. Enough is enough. We have to stick together. A thug will not keep from killing someone because he heard this at a rally. Were seeing all this violence because there is no G-d in these peoples lives. They took G-d out of schools and teachers can get fired for discussing G-d. It also makes it sound like G-d is some kind of a terrible thing to talk about. So if a kid thinks he can get away with killing someone, or he doesnt care if he gets caught, what should stop him? He doesnt think G-d will punish him, to him there is no G-d. The kids who are already evil, there is nothing that can be done about it. But the next generation they can still save by putting G-d back into not just school but into our society.

Yosy MeltzerVia email

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Letters To The Editor June 3, 2022 - The Jewish Press - JewishPress.com

America needs its own Jubilee: We are a nation in profound crisis – Salon

Posted By on June 6, 2022

The horrifying mass murder of 18 school children and two teachers in Uvalde, Texas, occurred at the same time as the funeral of Celestine Chaney, grandmother of six and Buffalo mass shooting victim, was taking place. Only two of the10 Black Americans killed in Buffalo by an avowed white supremacist had been yet laid to rest when that tragedy was pushed out of the headlines to make room for yet another gruesome mass shooting.

The Buffalo and Uvalde shootings, which took place only 10 days apart, were strikingly similar in that they both left gaping holes in minority communities and exemplify much of what is broken in American society. A profound response is needed.

White supremacist mass shootings aside, Black children and teens in America are 14 times more likely to die from a gun homicide than their white counterparts. Withmore than 20,000 gun-related deaths, not counting gun suicides, having occurred in 2021 alone, the disproportionate impact on people of color is staggering.

RELATED:I haven't gotten jaded or cynical about mass shootings but it's getting harder

Like the Buffalo massacre, the Uvalde school shooting stole precious life from a minority community. Uvalde is a town of about 16,000 people located about an hour's drive from the U.S.-Mexico border. It has140 Border Patrol officers assigned to it, but when it came to protecting the town's most precious asset, its children, the town's law enforcement was either woefully unprepared or unwilling to act.

In the wake of the shooting, during which law enforcement was slow to enter the building, mistreated parents and opted for almost 45 minutes not even to try rescue children trapped with the shooter,rumors circulated that undocumented parents and family members should take caution to avoid being taken into ICE custody. The Department of Homeland Security attempted to reassure the community that "to the fullest extent possible," immigration actions would not be taken.

But there was good reason to fear. In 2021, two years after the Walmart mass shooting in El Paso, an undocumented survivor of that shooting, who I'll call "Rosa," wasdeported following a traffic stop, even though she had despite assisted law enforcement in their investigation of the white supremacist shooter who had intentionally targeted Latinos.

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Amid the Buffalo and Uvalde tragedies, compounded by racism and anti-immigration policies, perhaps the most heartbreaking thing is that despite strong popularsupport for such things as background checks, the likelihood of substantial federal gun control legislation being enacted is next to nil.

From gun violence to systemic racism, anti-immigration sentiment, poverty, homelessness, the climate crisis, the pandemic and the war in Ukraine risking nuclear annihilation, humanity right now could use a reset. For a model of what such respite and restoration could look like, we need to look no further than the Jewish, Christian and Muslim concept of Jubilee.

Leviticus 25:936, from the first five books of the Old Testament the Torah in Judaism, Pentateuch in Christianity and Tawrat in Islam offers perhaps the world's earliest written social justice and welfare document. It reads:

on the Day of Atonement, you shall sound the shofar throughout your land. And you shall sanctify the fiftieth year, and proclaim freedom [for slaves] throughout the land for all who live on it. It shall be a Jubilee for you If your brother becomes destitute and his hand falters beside you, you shall support him [whether] a convert or a resident, so that he can live with you. You shall not take from him interest

So what might a true Jubilee look like today?

"You cannot sell the land in perpetuity, for the land belongs to me, and you are strangers and squatters alongside me." Leviticus 25:23

A Jubilee year would return indigenous stewardship of lands, and ensure safe settlement for all refugees and migrants. It would see the enacting of such legislation as theDream Act to secure citizenship for undocumented Americans, and ensure the right of refugees, worldwide.

Whilemore than a third of Uvalde's residents live at or barely above the federal poverty line, weapons manufacturers' profits are soaring, gun violence death rates are staggering and the same company that manufactured the weapon used in Uvalde recently secured a $9.1 million Pentagon contract. Last year the U.S. spent $277 billion on policing and prisons and $700 billion on its military, but the FY2022 allocation for mental health programs is only$4.6 billion.

A Jubilee would end corporate welfare, impose strong taxation on the rich, redistribute wealth and resources to the bottom half of the population and redesign the U.S. federal budget to prioritize human needs rather than military and policing might.

The Emancipation Proclamation was issued in 1863. But, due to economic and opportunity inequality, police murders and brutality, gun violence that disproportionately affects people of color and a U.S. penal system that acts as a modern-day Jim Crow system, a Jubilee edict to free all slaves remains essential.

Restorative justice, reparations and the reallocation of funds from racist police departments to youth programs and public services that help communities to thrive would give us all reason to celebrate.

In 1999, the Catholic Church called for the following year to be a "Great Jubilee" to right past old wrongs and support impoverished nations through international debt forgiveness.

"In the spirit of the book of Leviticus (25:8-12), Christians will have to raise their voice on behalf of all the poor of the world proposing the Jubilee as an appropriate time to give thought, among other things, to reducing substantially, if not canceling outright, the international debt which seriously threatens the future of many nations," Pope John Paul II wrote.

This, along with student loan forgiveness far beyond President Biden'sproposed $10,000, is needed even more today than it was at the beginning of the century.

While modern life can hardly allow for farmland to be left to lie fallow in order to rejuvenate, substantial environmental action is within our grasp. Last month, Sen. Bernie Sanders and Reps. Cori Bush and Jason Crow introduced the Energy Security and Independence Act of 2022, which calls forinvoking the Defense Production Act to invest $100 billion in clean energy as part of a rapid transition to renewable energy, while also protecting vulnerable communities from the energy disconnections and price swings that are the trademarks of fossil-fuel utilities.

* * *

Ringing in a Jubilee won't happen on its own. It is up to all of us to manifest it. On June 18, the Poor People's Campaign will converge on Washington for a march and assembly to "fully address the interlocking injustices of systemic racism, poverty, ecological devastation, and the denial of health care, militarism, and the war economy and the false moral narrative of religious nationalism."

The scriptures of Judaism, Christianity and Islam,instruct us to "proclaim liberty throughout the land for all its inhabitants." In memory of the 30 victims of the Buffalo and Uvalde mass murders, we shouldn't waste a moment before acting to bring about a Jubilee.

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America needs its own Jubilee: We are a nation in profound crisis - Salon

Evidence and documentation for the Holocaust – Wikipedia

Posted By on June 4, 2022

The Holocaustthe murder of about six million Jews by Nazi Germany from 1941 to 1945is the best-documented genocide in history. Although there is no single document which lists all Jewish victims of Nazi persecution, there is conclusive evidence that about six million were murdered.[1] There is also conclusive evidence that Jews were gassed at Auschwitz-Birkenau,[2] the Operation Reinhard extermination camps,[4][5] and in gas vans, and that there was a systematic plan by the Nazi leadership to murder them.[4]

Evidence for the Holocaust comes in four main varieties:[4]

The perpetrators attempted to avoid creating explicit evidence and tried to destroy the documentary and material evidence of their crimes before the German defeat.[4][8] Nevertheless, much of the evidence was preserved and collected by Allied investigators during and after the war. Collectively, the evidence refutes the arguments of Holocaust deniers that the Holocaust did not occur as described in historical scholarship.[8]

Historians, including Ian Kershaw, Raul Hilberg, and Martin Broszat, indicate that no document exists showing that Hitler ordered the Holocaust. However, other evidence makes clear that Hitler knew about and ordered the genocide. Statements from Adolf Eichmann, Joseph Goebbels, and Heinrich Himmler also indicate that Hitler orchestrated the Holocaust and statements from Hitler himself reveal his genocidal intentions toward Jewry.[16]

In a draft of an internal memorandum, dated 18 September 1942, Reichsfuhrer SS Heinrich Himmler wrote that "in principle the Fuehrer's time is no longer to be burdened with these matters"; the memorandum goes on to outline Himmler's vision, including "The delivery of anti-social elements from the execution of their sentences to the Reich Fuehrer of SS to be worked to death. Persons under protective arrest, Jews, Gypsies, Russians and Ukrainians, Poles with more than 3-year sentences, Czechs and Germans with more than 8-year sentences according to the judgement of the Minister of Justice [Thierack]. First of all, the worst anti-social elements amongst those just mentioned are to be handed over; I shall inform the Fuhrer of this through Reichsleiter Bormann."[17]

Nevertheless, and in contrast to the T4 euthanasia program, no document written or signed by Hitler ordering the Holocaust has ever been found. Deniers have claimed that this lack of order shows genocide was not Nazi policy.

During David Irving's unsuccessful libel action against Deborah Lipstadt, he indicated that he considered a document signed by Hitler ordering the 'Final Solution' would be the only convincing proof of Hitler's responsibility. He was, however, described as content to accuse Winston Churchill of responsibility for ordering the assassination of General Sikorski, despite having no documentary evidence to support his claim. Mr Justice Gray concluded that this was a double standard.[18]

Historians have documented evidence that as Germany's defeat became imminent and the Nazi leaders realized they would most likely be captured and brought to trial, great effort was made to destroy all evidence of mass extermination. In the spring of 1942, Himmler ordered all traces of murdered Russian Jews and prisoners of war to be removed from occupied territories of the Soviet Union.[19] As one of many examples, the bodies of the 25,000 mostly Latvian Jews whom Friedrich Jeckeln and the soldiers under his command had shot at Rumbula (near Riga) in late 1941 were dug up and burned in 1943.[20]

In mid-1942, SS-Obergruppenfhrer Reinhard Heydrich, through SS-Gruppenfhrer Heinrich Mueller, Chief of the Gestapo, ordered SS-Standartenfhrer Paul Blobel in Sonderaktion 1005 to remove all traces of the mass executions in the East carried out by the Einsatzgruppen. After Blobel and his staff developed a special incineration process, destruction of evidence at Belzec and Sobibor followed in late 1942.[19] In February 1943, Himmler personally visited Treblinka and ordered the commandants to destroy records, crematoria, and other signs of mass extermination.[19]

In the Posen speeches of October 1943, Himmler explicitly referred to the extermination of the Jews of Europe and further stated that the genocide must be permanently kept secret. On 4 October, he said:

I also want to refer here very frankly to a very difficult matter. We can now very openly talk about this among ourselves, and yet we will never discuss this publicly. Just as we did not hesitate on June 30, 1934, to perform our duty as ordered and put comrades who had failed up against the wall and execute them, we also never spoke about it, nor will we ever speak about it. Let us thank God that we had within us enough self-evident fortitude never to discuss it among us, and we never talked about it. Every one of us was horrified, and yet every one clearly understood that we would do it next time, when the order is given and when it becomes necessary.I am now referring to the evacuation of the Jews, to the extermination of the Jewish people.[21][22]

Historian Peter Longerich states that Hitler "avoided giving a clear written order to exterminate Jewish civilians.[16] Wide protest was evoked when Hitler's authorisation of the T4 program became public knowledge in Germany, and he was forced to put a halt to it as a result (nonetheless it continued discreetly).[23] This made Hitler realise that such undertakings must be done secretly in order to avoid criticism. Critics also point out that if Hitler did sign such an order in the first place, it would have been one of the first documents to be destroyed."[16]

Felix Kersten wrote in his memoirs that after a discussion with Himmler, the SS-Reichsfhrer revealed that the extermination of the Jews was Hitler's express order and had indeed been delegated to him by the Fhrer.[24]

Many statements from the Nazis from 1941 onwards addressed the imminent extermination of the Jews.[25]

In a draft of an internal memorandum, dated 25 October 1941, Heinrich Himmler wrote:

As the affairs now stand, there are no objections against doing away with those Jews who are not able to work, with the Brack remedy.[26]

Joseph Goebbels had frequent discussions with Hitler about the fate of the Jews, a subject which they discussed almost every time they met, and frequently wrote about it in his personal diary.[27] In his personal diary he wrote:

In November 1941, Goebbels published an article "The Jews are to blame" which returned to Hitler's prophecy of 1939 and stated that world Jewry was suffering a "gradual process of extermination".[25]

On 13 March 1945, Goebbels wrote in his diary that the "rest of the world" should follow Germany's example in "destroying the Jews", he wrote also about how the Jews in Germany at that point had been almost totally destroyed.[29] This diary contains numerous other references to the mass extermination of Jews, including how "tens of thousands of them are liquidated" in eastern occupied territory,[30] and that "the greater the number of Jews liquidated, the more consolidated will the situation in Europe be after this war."[31] When speaking about this document under oath, David Irving is quoted as saying "There is no explicit reference...to the liquidation of Jews" and critics of Holocaust denial consequently state that it is dishonest to say such a thing when it is entirely contradicted by the diary of one of Hitler's closest associates.[32][33]

When questioned by interrogators if orders for the extermination of Jews were delegated in writing by Himmler, Adolf Eichmann states:

I never saw a written order, Herr Hauptmann. All I know is that Heydrich said to me: "The Fhrer has ordered the physical extermination of the Jews." He said that as clearly and surely as I'm repeating it now.[34]

Critics state that Eichmann gives a virtually identical account of this in his memoirs, and state that it is also asserted that Eichmann never even asked for a written order, on the basis that "Hitler's wish as expressed through Himmler and Heydrich was good enough for him".[16] Eichmann's memoirs were recorded by Willem Sassen before he was captured, and Eichmann's lawyer tried to prevent them from being presented as evidence to avoid any detriment against his case.[35]

In a speech, David Irving states that Heydrich told Eichmann, "The Fhrer has given the order for the physical destruction of the Jews".[33] Irving admits that this contradicts his view that "Hitler wasn't involved", but explains it by suggesting that a completely different meaning can be construed, i.e. "the extirpation of Judaism" as opposed to the physical destruction of Jews if one changes "just one or two words".[33] Critics of this view state that historians should not change words if their documents contradict their claims,[33] and consequently point out five instances where Eichmann unambiguously states "physical extermination" during his interrogation.[33][36]

At a conference in 1941 discussing the Jewish Question, Alfred Rosenberg said:

Some six million Jews still live in the East, and this question can only be solved by a biological extermination of the whole of Jewry in Europe. The Jewish Question will only be solved for Germany when the last Jew has left German territory, and for Europe when not a single Jew stands on the European continent as far as the Urals... And to this end it is necessary to force them beyond the Urals or otherwise bring about their eradication.[25]

Congruent with the evidence that shows Hitler was responsible for the order to murder Jews, there is also evidence that shows he was made aware of the process. Gestapo Chief Heinrich Mller sent a telegram on 2 August 1941, ordering that "especially interesting illustrative" material should be sent to Berlin because, "the Fhrer should be presented with continuous reports on the work of Einsatzgruppen in the East from here".[37] At the end of December 1942 Hitler received a document from Himmler entitled, "Report to the Fhrer on Combating Partisans", stating that 363,211 Jews had been murdered by the Einsatzgruppen in AugustNovember 1942. This document was specifically printed in large font that Hitler could read without glasses and was marked "Shown to the Fhrer".[16][4]

Critics of Holocaust denial state that the claim by deniers of no Nazi plan to exterminate the Jews is completely discredited by Himmler in a speech made on 4 October 1943 to a gathering of SS officers in Pozna,[original research?] where he said:

Ich meine jetzt die "Judenevakuierung", die Ausrottung des jdischen Volkes. Es gehrt zu den Dingen, die man leicht ausspricht. Das jdische Volk wird ausgerottet, sagt ein jeder Parteigenosse 'ganz klar, steht in unserem Programm, Ausschaltung der Juden, Ausrottung, machen wir.'[38]

I am currently talking about the "evacuation of the Jews", the extermination of the Jewish people. It is one of those things that is easily said. 'The Jewish people are being exterminated,' every Party member says, 'perfectly clear, it's written in our program, elimination of the Jews, extermination, and we do that.'

Despite the difficulty of finding traces of this material 50 years later, in February 1990, Professor Jan Markiewicz, Director of the Institute of Forensic Research in Krakw, redid the analysis.[39] Markiewicz and his team used microdiffusion techniques to test for cyanide in samples from the suspected gas chambers, from delousing chambers, and from control areas elsewhere within Auschwitz. The control samples tested negative, while cyanide residue was found in high concentrations in the delousing chambers, and lower concentrations in the homicidal gas chambers. This is consistent with the amounts required to kill lice and humans.[40]

The search for cyanide in the bricks of buildings said to be gas chambers was important, because the pesticide Zyklon B would generate such a residue. This was the gas most often cited as the murder instrument for prisoners in the gas chambers, supported by both testimony and evidence collected of Nazi policy.[41][42]

Another claim made by Holocaust deniers is that there were no specially-constructed vents in the gas chambers through which Zyklon B could be released.[43] The BBC offers a response showing that this requires disregard of much documentation:

Deniers have said for years that physical evidence is lacking because they have seen no holes in the roof of the Birkenau gas chamber where the Zyklon was poured in. (In some of the gas chambers the Zyklon B was poured in through the roof, while in others it was thrown in through the windows.) The roof was dynamited at war's end, and today lies broken in pieces, but three of the four original holes were positively identified in a recent paper. Their location in the concrete matches with eyewitness testimony, aerial photos from 1944, and a ground photo from 1943. The physical evidence shows unmistakably that the Zyklon holes were cast into the concrete when the building was constructed.[44]

Cremation in the open at the Reinhard extermination camps (Treblinka, Sobibor and Belzec) was discussed at Nuremberg on 7 April 1946 by Georg Konrad Morgen, SS judge and lawyer who investigated crimes committed in Nazi concentration camps. He stated: "The whole thing was like an assembly line. At the last stop they reached a big room, and were told that this was the bath. When the last one was in, the doors were shut and the gas was let into the room. As soon as death taken place in (sic), the ventilators were started. When the air was breathable, the doors were opened, and the Jewish workers removed the bodies. By means of a special process which Wirth had invented, they were burned in the open air without the use of fuel."[45]

There is well-documented evidence that other ash was used as fertilizer in nearby fields.[46][47] Photographs of Treblinka taken by the camp commandant show what looks to be ash piles being distributed by steam shovels.[48]

The Nizkor Project and other sources have stated that the minimal concentration of Zyklon-B to be explosive is 56,000 parts per million, while 300 parts per million is fatal to humans, as is evidenced in The Merck Index and the CRC Handbook of Chemistry and Physics. In fact, the Nazis' own documentation stated "Danger of explosion: 75 grams of HCN in 1 cubic meter of air. Normal application approx. 810 grams per cubic meter, therefore not explosive."[49]

The Institute for Historical Review publicly offered a reward of $50,000 for verifiable "proof that gas chambers for the purpose of killing human beings existed at or in Auschwitz." Mel Mermelstein, a survivor of Auschwitz, submitted his own testimony as proof but it was ignored. He then sued IHR in the United States and the case was subsequently settled for $50,000, plus $40,000 in damages for personal suffering. The court declared the statement that "Jews were gassed to death at the Auschwitz Concentration Camp in Poland during the summer of 1944" was a fact.[50][51][52][53]

The vast majority of scholars, institutions, and Nazi officials[54] estimate between five and six million Jews perished during the Holocaust.[55] With approximately 4.5 million Jewish victims' names collected by Yad Vashem,[56] numerous documents and archives discovered after the war gave meticulous accounts of the exterminations that took place at the death camps (such as Auschwitz and Treblinka).[57]

The 1932 American Jewish Yearbook estimates the total number of Jews in the world at 15,192,218, of whom 9,418,248 resided in Europe. However, the 1947 yearbook states: "Estimates of the world Jewish population have been assembled by the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (except for the United States and Canada) and are probably the most authentic available at the present time. The figures reveal that the total Jewish population of the world has decreased by one-third from about 16,600,000 in 1939 to about 11,000,000 in 1946 as the result of the annihilation by the Nazis of more than five and a half million European Jews. In Europe only an estimated 3,642,000 remain of the total Jewish pre-war population of approximately 9,740,000." These numbers are also consistent with the findings of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, Appendix III, in 1946.

The Nazis used figures of between 9 and 11 million for the Jewish population of Europe, as evidenced in the notes of the Wannsee Conference. In fact, the Nazis methodically recorded the ongoing reduction of the Jewish population, as in the Korherr Report, which gave the status of the Final Solution through December 1942. The Hfle Telegram was sent by SS-Sturmbannfhrer Hermann Hfle on 11 January 1943 to SS-Obersturmbannfhrer Adolf Eichmann in Berlin and detailed the number of Jews murdered in the concentration camps.[58] In the year 1942 alone, the telegram lists 1,274,166 Jews were exterminated[58] in the four camps of Aktion Reinhard.

The Korherr Report, compiled by an SS statistician, gave a conservative total of 2,454,000 Jews deported to extermination camps or murdered by the Einsatzgruppen. The complete status reports of the Einsatzgruppen death squads were found in the archives of the Gestapo when it was searched by the U.S. Army, and the accuracy attested to by the former Einsatzgruppen members who testified during war crime trials and at other times. These reports alone list an additional 1,500,000 or so murders during mass shootings, the vast majority of these victims were Jews. Further, surviving Nazi documentation spells out their plans to murder the Jews of Europe (see the Wannsee Conference), recorded the trains arriving at various death camps, and included photographs and films of many atrocities.

There are voluminous amounts of testimony from tens of thousands of survivors of the Holocaust,[59] as well as the testimony of captured Nazi officers at the Nuremberg Trials and other times.[60] Hss's testimony did not consist of merely a signed confession; while in jail he also wrote two volumes of memoirs[61] and gave extensive testimony outside of the Nuremberg proceedings.[62][63] Further, his testimony agrees with that of other contemporary written accounts by Auschwitz officials, such as Pery Broad,[64] an SS man stationed at Auschwitz while Hss was the commandant and the diary kept by SS physician at Auschwitz Johann Kremer, as well as the testimony of hundreds of camp guards and victims.[65] In addition, former SS personnel have criticised Holocaust denial. SS-Oberscharfhrer Josef Klehr said that anyone who maintains that nobody was gassed at Auschwitz must be "crazy or on the wrong".[66] SS-Unterscharfhrer Oswald Kaduk stated that he did not consider those who maintain such a thing as normal people.[67] Hearing about Holocaust denial compelled former SS-Rottenfhrer Oskar Grning to publicly speak about what he witnessed at Auschwitz, and denounce Holocaust deniers,[68] stating:

I would like you to believe me. I saw the gas chambers. I saw the crematoria. I saw the open fires. I was on the ramp when the selections took place. I would like you to believe that these atrocities happened because I was there.[69]

Hans Mnch, a former SS physician, signed a document certifying what he witnessed at Auschwitz: "thousands of people gassed", and the usage of Zyklon B in gas chambers. According to Mnch's estimation, prisoners died within three to five minutes of exposure to Zyklon B.[70]

Sonderkommandos provide another key piece of testimony. There were Jewish prisoners who helped march Jews to the gas chambers, and later dragged the bodies to the crematoria. Since they witnessed the entire process, their testimony is vital in confirming that the gas chambers were used for murderous purposes and the scale to which they were used.[71]

Other key testimony comes from non-Jewish survivors of the camps[original research?] such as Catholic French Resistance member Andr Rogerie who was held in seven different camps, and who as a member of the Resistance was not targeted for extermination but for hard labor and survived. After the war Rogerie wrote and testified extensively about his experiences in the camps including Auschwitz-Birkenau[72] where he viewed and produced the oldest contemporary sketch of a camp crematorium.[73]

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Evidence and documentation for the Holocaust - Wikipedia

Why are AIPAC and J Street endorsing the same candidates? – Forward

Posted By on June 4, 2022

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi speaks during the AIPAC policy conference in Washington, D.C., on March 26, 2019. Photo by Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg via Getty Images

When Summer Lee appeared to edge out Steve Irwin in the Democratic primary of a blue Pittsburgh district last month, J Street came out swinging at their rival pro-Israel group, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which spent $2.8 million to defeat the more left-leaning Lee.

We took on AIPACs millions and won, Laura Birnbaum, the liberal groups political director wrote in an email to supporters. She urged them to keep fighting to overcome intensive right-wing attacks and keep electing pro-Israel, pro-peace champions across the country.

The 2022 election cycle has seen the two most prominent groups in the pro-Israel lobbying arena go head-to-head for the first time in an aggressive campaign to control the pro-Israel agenda on Capitol Hill. Thirteen years after J Street launched an Israel-related federal political action committee, AIPAC in December announced the creation of a similar PAC and an independent super PAC to support incumbents facing primary challenges for their pro-Israel stances. J Street and AIPAC, along with Democratic Majority for Israel, are on opposite sides in a handful of competitive races that pit progressives against more conventional, pro-Israel candidates.

The victory over AIPAC in the Pennsylvania race energized J Streets national campaign to weaken AIPACs influence over members of Congress, despite some setbacks in a number of high-stakes primary races last month.

But missing from the invective is the fact that J Street and AIPAC have endorsed at least 48 of the same Democratic candidates in races across the country, a Forward analysis of recent endorsements shows. That number represents just a fraction of the 473 candidates that the two groups had endorsed as of last month, but it is remarkable considering that they are often presented as if they work on opposite sides of the political spectrum.

J Street vs. AIPAC may appear like a zero sum equation in political advocacy but they do have some shared space, said Scott Lasensky, who served as an advisor on Israel and Jewish affairs in the Obama administration. He pointed to issues like backing a two-state solution, something J Street strongly advocates for and AIPAC does not oppose, and general concern for Israels security.

Among those doubly endorsed is Rep. Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, chair of the House Appropriations Committee, who recently led a J Street-sponsored congressional delegation to Israel. And perhaps most notable is House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a longtime AIPAC ally, who received her first endorsement from J Street earlier this week and touted it on social media while remaining silent about AIPACs stamp of approval.

Jeremy Ben-Ami, J Streets president, said he doesnt have a problem with candidates getting endorsed by both groups, and added that J Street had already given out most of theirs before AIPAC released its first slate. We are not going to withdraw our endorsement because AIPAC slapped an endorsement on somebodys back that they werent expecting, he said.

There are some politicians who have managed to express support for Israel in a way that AIPAC is comfortable with, Ben-Ami continued, while at the same time using language that is appealing to the more liberal communities.

AIPAC may also be reluctant to drop lawmakers with whom they have long standing relationships, even if they have recently moved to the left on Israel and won support from J Street.

Theres this predisposition to dance with the ones who brung ya, said Steve Rabinowitz, a longtime Democratic consultant. Unless they go astray or until a candidate comes along who is so substantially better on the issues.

Politicians crave endorsements, which they can tout in direct mailings and pin to their social media posts.

For the groups that give them out, endorsements can be a powerful tool to sway voters.

They help decide and define who is going to be in Congress, on the playing field, for the issues they care about, said Hadar Susskind, chief executive of Americans for Peace Now, who previously worked for J Street.

And for the voters themselves, many disinclined or too busy to research candidates thoroughly, endorsements can serve as a shortcut. Theyre looking for cues from someone they trust, said Mark Mellman, a Democratic pollster and president of Democratic Majority for Israel, which has endorsed 55 candidates this year.

In general, organizations try to balance endorsing champions of their cause and backing those who might be open to their positions in the hopes of influencing them in the future, Susskind said.

And in some competitive races, endorsements serve as a call to action for a campaign that needs an extra boost.

AIPACs super PAC, the United Democracy Project, for example, has spent over $10 million in recent weeks on television ads and mailers in highly competitive races. We are closely looking at 10 to 15 races where there is a clear contrast on the U.S.-Israel relationship, said Patrick Dorton, a spokesperson for the project.

But how do groups figure out who they want to endorse in the first place? Methods differ.

In years past, before AIPAC was publicly endorsing candidates, it would request position papers on Israel from first-time candidates and comb the voting records of incumbents. Those sufficiently supportive of Israel in AIPACs view would benefit from its recommendation to the groups financial backers, according to people familiar with the process.

This year AIPAC took a step further and released a list of 330 Democratic and Republican members it is supporting for reelection, and came under heavy criticism for including Republicans who voted to overturn the election of Joe Biden as president.

In an email exchange, AIPAC spokesperson Marshal Wittmann said that the group had offered the endorsements to incumbents based exclusively on their positions and actions on issues affecting the U.S.-Israel relationship.

The PAC, Wittman added, supports candidates from both parties who will strengthen and advance the alliance.

On the super PAC side, Dorton said the group will back a pro-Israel candidate who is viable based on internal polling and when there is a clear contrast between that candidate and a rival.

Though a number of House members were surprised by AIPACs endorsement, according to Democratic insiders who requested anonymity to share information divulged in private conversations, none of these members disavowed it publicly.

Those who want a J Street endorsement, in contrast, have to seek it out.

Ben-Ami said candidates whose position papers on Israel reflect J Streets views go through an interview with the groups finance committee. That committee then issues a recommendation to the groups political committee, which makes the final decision. Its a very cumbersome project and you actually have to seriously want our endorsement, he said.

Among the 48 candidates with both J Street and AIPAC endorsements, the largest group is made up of incumbent Democrats running against Republican challengers in competitive general election contests, the Forwards analysis reveals. These candidates voting records meet AIPACs standards, and they align with J Streets demonstrated preference for Democrats.

A few candidates have managed to receive pro-Israel endorsements in addition to AIPACs and J Streets. In New Hampshire, for example, DMFI and Pro-Israel America have endorsed Sen. Maggie Hassan, and they are also backing Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada, who like Hassan is a Democrat.

J Street cheered both Hassan and Cortez Masto as longtime supporters of the two-state solution, and noted that both favor a nuclear deal with Iran. Meanwhile, Pro-Israel America touts that both co-sponsored a congressional resolution targeting the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions campaign against Israel a measure J Street opposed, arguing that it would extend U.S. legal protection to illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank.

In still more combinations, Israel PACs are backing the same candidates. J Street and DMFI, for example, have endorsed five of the same Democrats.

But as with the Lee-Irwin contest in Pittsburgh, pro-Israel groups sometimes root for rivals.

In California, DMFI has thrown its weight behind Christy Smith, a former state assemblyperson who is challenging Rep. Mike Garcia in a district that includes parts of Los Angeles and San Bernardino counties, while AIPAC is backing Garcia.

And in an incumbent-vs.-incumbent Democratic primary in an Illinois district west of Chicago, both DMFI and J Street are supporting Rep. Sean Casten against Rep. Marie Newman, while AIPAC hasnt issued an endorsement. Thats despite the fact that Newman was one of eight Democrats to vote against a House bill to provide an additional $1 billion for Israels Iron Dome missile defense.

In recent years, other political action committees have formed that align with AIPACs unconditional support for a strong relationship between the United States and Israel. In addition to Pro-Israel America and DMFI, both of which were founded by longtime AIPAC supporters, NORPAC, To Protect Our Heritage PAC, SunPAC and other committees all back candidates based on their positions on Israel.

In contrast, relatively few PACs reward politicians for embracing critical views of Israels role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Both Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow endorse candidates, and like J Street, denounce the occupation of the West Bank but sit well to J Streets left. There are about 3.7 million Arab Americans, only a fraction of whom are Palestinian, and while Arab and Muslim political advocacy which typically includes support for Palestinians is growing, it remains less established than the Jewish equivalent.

Jewish Voice for Peace has endorsed six candidates this election cycle, including Squad members Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Cori Bush, and they only overlap with J Street on one pick: Rep. Betty McCollum, the Minnesota Democrat who is one of the members of Congress most critical of Israel, despite holding relatively mainstream positions on other issues.

(IfNotNow has not announced which candidates they are supporting in 2022.)

Meanwhile, Israel PACs continue to drum up support by painting what appears to be an entirely adversarial relationship with their opponents.

Our adversaries are shifting their strategies in hopes of defeating us next time, Brian Shankman, an AIPAC official, said in an email to supporters on Thursday. This is a long-term fight, the outcome of which will determine our ability to advance the U.S.-Israel relationship.

Arno Rosenfeld is an enterprise reporter for the Forward, where he covers antisemitism, philanthropy and American Jewish institutions. You can reach him at arno@forward.com and follow him on Twitter @arnorosenfeld.

Jacob Kornbluh is the Forwards senior political reporter. Follow him on Twitter @jacobkornbluh or email kornbluh@forward.com.

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Why are AIPAC and J Street endorsing the same candidates? - Forward

Appeals court reverses ruling in favor of Hasidic families in Washingtonville busing case – Times Herald-Record

Posted By on June 4, 2022

An appeals court panel has reversed a ruling that would have forced Washingtonville School District to begin busing Hasidic children to their religious schools on days when the public schools are closed.

In a decision on Thursday, four Appellate Division judges in Albany supported the district's policy of driving students to nonpublic schools only when its own schools are open, and the state guidance on which that policy was based. The lower-court ruling in November that extended that obligation skewed the intent of state law and "would lead to unreasonable results," the judges found.

"The Legislature could not have intended to require school districts to transport nonpublic school students in the summer, on weekends, on state or federal holidays, or on days when public schools are closed for weather-related or other emergency reasons, none of which would be foreclosed by Supreme Court's interpretation," the court ruled.

Plaintiffs win: District must bus to Hasidic schools when public schools are closed

Preliminary ruling: Hasidic families win initial decision in Washingtonville busing case

Suit filed: Hasidic families seek added busing days from Washingtonville schools

The reversal was a setback for Blooming Grove's growing Hasidic population and a victory for the school district, which had argued it had no legal duty to bus students to private and religious schools during its recesses and on holidays. There were 20 days this school year on which Washingtonville schools were closed and Hasidic schools in and around Kiryas Joel were open.

A state Supreme Court judge in Albany made an initial ruling in favor of the United Jewish Community of Blooming Grove - the group that sued for more busing on behalf of Hasidic parents - in August, shortly before the first of those added busing days for Washingtonville.

But that preliminary injunction and his final decision supporting the plaintiffs weresuspended after the district appealed those rulings, sparing Washingtonville from having to comply during this school year.

In a statement Thursday, Washingtonville officials said their district's policy of busing students to nonpublic schools only when its own schools are open has been unchanged for at least 15 years.

"This policy is identical to the non-public school transportation policies and practices of school districts throughout New York State" and is consistent with state law, Education Department guidance and past court decisions, the district wrote.

Washingtonville has had a large influx of Hasidic families in recent years, particularly in the village of South Blooming Grove. The district now has more than 800 children who attend Hasidic schools and must be bused to them at Washingtonville's expense under state law.

Neighboring Monroe-Woodbury School District also has a growing population of Hasidic students that it must bus. State records show that more than 1,500 children living in Monroe-Woodbury attendreligious schools located in Kiryas Joel and just outside the village borders.

The United Jewish Community sued Washingtonville in July after the district failed to comply with its demands for additional busing days. The group argued that transportation was a minimal expectation for families that pay school property taxes but don't use the public schools.

The plaintiffs also argued their request for 20 more busing days would pose no additional cost for the district because Hasidic schools are closed for religious holidays and require no busing on roughly the same number of days. The district had contended in response that it would have to pay more to bus on those additional days.

Chris McKenna covers government and politics for the Times Herald-Record and USA Today Network. Reach him at cmckenna@th-record.com.

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Appeals court reverses ruling in favor of Hasidic families in Washingtonville busing case - Times Herald-Record

Teen Charged In Unprovoked Beating Of Jewish Man Near Bed-Stuy: DA – Patch

Posted By on June 4, 2022

BROOKLYN, NY A teen who brutally beat a Hasidic man while he was walking to the synagogue near Bed-Stuy has been charged for the hate crime, according to prosecutors.

Logan Jones, 18, was arraigned this week for the unprovoked attack, which unfolded in April on Gerry Street and Harrison Avenue, just a block from the Bed-Stuy border, according to prosecutors.

Jones and others began punching and kicking the 21-year-old Jewish man while he was walking near the intersection with his wife, prosecutors said.

"Without warning or provocation, this defendant allegedly assaulted an innocent man simply because of his Jewish faith," Brooklyn District Attorney Eric Gonzalez said. "Crimes that target individuals because of their religion, race, ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation are a threat to everything we stand for here in Brooklyn."

The 21-year-old Jewish man, dressed in traditional Hasidic attire, was walking to a local synagogue with his wife shortly before 8 p.m. on April 1 when Jones and a group of five others approached the couple, according to prosecutors.

Jones, who is from Staten Island, suddenly started punching the man in the face, prosecutors said. He and two others then started kicking the man as he fell to the ground and tried to escape by crawling under a truck parked on the street, officials said.

The 21-year-old was left with severe head and body pain, an abrasion on his cheek and bruises on his face while the group of five ran away and his wife asked a bystander to call 911, prosecutors said.

Jones was charged with various assault, harassment, menacing and hate crime charges for the attack, prosecutors said.

His bail was set at $30,000 on Wednesday and he will return to court in June, according to the DA.

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Teen Charged In Unprovoked Beating Of Jewish Man Near Bed-Stuy: DA - Patch

Palestine refugees | UNRWA

Posted By on June 4, 2022

Who are Palestine refugees?

Palestine refugees are defined as persons whose normal place of residence was Palestine during the period 1 June 1946 to 15 May 1948, and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 conflict.

UNRWAservices are available to all those living in its area of operations who meet this definition, who are registered with the Agency and who need assistance. The descendants of Palestine refugee males, including adopted children, are also eligible for registration. When the Agency began operations in 1950, it was responding to the needs of about 750,000 Palestine refugees. Today, some 5 million Palestine refugees are eligible for UNRWA services.

Nearly one-third of the registered Palestine refugees, more than 1.5million individuals, live in 58 recognized Palestine refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

A Palestine refugee camp is defined as a plot of land placed at the disposal of UNRWA by the host government to accommodate Palestine refugees and set up facilities to cater to their needs. Areas not designated as such and are not recognized as camps. However, UNRWA also maintains schools, health centres and distribution centres in areas outside the recognized camps where Palestine refugees are concentrated, such as Yarmouk, near Damascus.

The plots of land on which the recognized camps were set up are either state land or, in most cases, land leased by the host government from local landowners. This means that the refugees in camps do not 'own'the land on which their shelters were built, but have the right to 'use'the land for a residence.

Socioeconomic conditions in the camps are generally poor, with high population density, cramped living conditions and inadequate basic infrastructure such as roads and sewers.

Theresponsibility of UNRWA in Palestine refugeecamps is limited to providing services and administering its installations. The Agency does not own, administer or police the camps, as this is the responsibility of the host authorities.

UNRWA has a camp services office in each camp, which the residents visit to update their records or to raise issues relating to Agency services with the Camp Services Officer (CSO). The CSO, in turn, refers refugee concerns and petitions to the UNRWA administration in the area in which the camp is located.

In the aftermath of the hostilities of June 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, ten camps were established toaccommodate a new wave of displaced persons, both refugees and non-refugees.

The remaining two thirds of registered Palestine refugees live in and around the cities and towns of the host countries, and in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, often in the environs of official camps. While most of UNRWA's installations such as schools and health centres are located in the Palestine refugee camps, a number are outside; all of the Agencys services are available to all registered Palestine refugees, including those who do not live in the camps.

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Palestine refugees | UNRWA

Sephardic Matzah Spinach Pie Recipe | The Nosher

Posted By on June 4, 2022

Matzah pies called minas are a classic Sephardic Passover dish, traditionally served for brunch or lunch with the slow-cooked, hard-boiled eggs called huevos haminados. The truth is that a mina makes a great side or main dish for any meal, even when its not Passover. With a top and bottom crust made from sheets of matzah and the filling can be made meat, seasoned lamb, beef, chicken or vegetables, most commonly spinach and cheese, though sometimes with leeks or mashed potato added. Another option is to shred, salt and squeeze about 2 pounds of zucchini to use in place of the spinach in the recipe below. The flavors in this vegetarian mina mimic spinach and feta borekas or spanikopita, but Ive added a twist. Given the fondness for artichokes in Sephardic food (and for me personally), Ive added some to the filling for extra texture and flavor.

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Sephardic Matzah Spinach Pie Recipe | The Nosher

SPONSORED: Jewish camp experience for adults brings out the child in everyone J. – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on June 4, 2022

Whats the first thing you think of when you hear the word sex? Claire Perelman asks the men and women in their 20s and 30s seated around her, under a tent open on all sides whats known as the Zen Zone at Camp Nai Nai Nai.

And whats the first thing you think of when you hear Jewish? she prompts after a round-robin of responses that range from the cringeworthy to the giggle-inducing.

That was the opening for Kosher Kink, a 75-minute session called a playshop that Perelman led as a camp specialist for the latest iteration of Camp Nai Nai Nai, a Jewish summer camp experience for adults that takes place over long weekends, mostly in the spring and summer.

At the most recent gathering, May 6-8 at Camp Newman in San Rafael, a half-dozen other playshops offered campers opportunities to relive their childhood camp experiences with games such as gaga, unleash their inner artist with arts-and-craft workshops, and explore difficult topics with their peers such as vulnerability.

Such was Shabbat morning at Camp West the first West Coast camp event since August 2019. Nearly 80 people attended, coming from the Bay Area, Arizona and as far away as Canada and Brazil.

Camp Nai Nai Nai was started in 2017 byMoishe House, an organization that seeks to engage young Jews around the world in peer-led programs in community houses, retreats and more.

Theres really nothing else like this for people in this age range, said Greg Kellner, director of Camp Nai Nai Nai. There was a gap for people between college and when they have kids, so camp and other Moishe House programs really engage people in their 20s and 30s.

The camp provides a unique way to connect relatively unaffiliated Jews in that age group to each other and to Jewish life, as well as a fun venue for them to disconnect from the daily hustle and bustle of life, said Ali Gugerty, Moishe Houses director of immersive experiences.

At Camp Newman, it doesnt hurt that theres virtually no cell service and the wifi is for staff only, for camp purposes.

Nai Nai Nais next camp weekend will be held onSept. 2-5 in Pennsylvania, and the organization will be staging its first-ever Midwest camp experience onOct. 28-30 in the Chicago area.

For many participants, Camp Nai is an opportunity to relive their childhood camp memories.

Moishe House has done such a good job making us feel like kids here its not cheesy and no one thinks its weird, said Jenna Feldman as she waited at the base of a multistory climbing tower.

Feldman, who is involved with a Moishe House in San Francisco, grew up attending Camp Newman, which is affiliated with the Union for Reform Judaism. She now works as a customer advocate in the technology industry.

David Matten, who lives in the South Bay, decided just days before the weekend to attend because so many of his friends were going. A longtime camp counselor, it felt good to be a camper again, he noted.

I can connect with new people and spend time with friends, Matten said.

Especially after two years of pandemic isolation, people really want to reconnect outside of the daily grind in a fun, easy way, Moishe House staff said. Camp Nai experiences often serve as a gateway to deeper involvement in camp, in Moishe House, and in Jewish life, they noted.

The enthusiasm was palpable among the 25-person staff, who welcomed campers upon arrival with screams and cheers.

Were more than just staff were family, said Elina Kurakin, program coordinator for Camp Nai Nai Nai. Its the same way with campers: They all have their camp family.

From the start, there was a clear focus on inclusion throughout the weekend. Friday night opened with a traditional Shabbat service as well as a more musical service infused with singing and guitar. In addition, there was also an early morning Saturday service, meditative yoga, a Shabbat hike and a text-based Torah study.

Aaron Malki, who works in real estate in San Francisco, went to the song-led service. I enjoy embracing a Jewish community space like this nostalgic and warm, he said.

Saturday activities ranged from the craft-oriented and reflective, such as mezuzah-making, tie-dye, and Believe: The Torah of Ted Lasso, to the physically active, including slipnslide kickball, archery, Latin Israeli dance and yoga.

Even during the Saturday night All-I-Days Dance Party that was scheduled to go until 1 A.M., there was a quiet corner to relax in, a silent disco, and stations to make your own bow tie (in honor of National Bow Tie Day), paper plane, or ice cream sundae.

Were trying to create different spaces so people can feel comfortable here, Kurakin said. It doesnt matter who you are, what your background is, what your job is you are welcome here.

For participants who might have been intimidated by the social component of the camp experience after more than two years of social distancing and isolation, Kellner said camp provides a safe environment.

After the pandemic, people dont realize they are having some social anxiety, so camp is a great way to get back into the swing of things, Kellner said. We know people are coming with different comfort levels.

Josh Schwartz, a camp counselor returning for his third Camp Nai Nai Nai experience, said, What Moishe House does so well is being inclusive. Describing the Saturday night dance party as an adult bar mitzvah, he noted, If you dont want to be on the dance floor, you can be at the pickle-making station.

A cybersecurity consultant by day and Jewish community organizer by night, Schwartz is a resident of the NoMa Moishe House in Washington, D.C. and will be the head counselor at the next camp, in Pennsylvania over Labor Day weekend. When his colleagues asked him how he stays so energized, he said, I always have energy because my battery is recharged at camp.

During the two-hour block of free play on Saturday afternoon, there were options for everyone: People napped in the Zen Zone, practiced archery,participated in a local wine tasting,or took a walk around Camp Newmans 500-acre grounds.

Sunday concluded with an intensive color war, offering one last chance for campers to let loose and play like children again.

Kellner said he considers it a win if someone leaves camp just with the practice of saying the Hamotzi blessing over bread a few times a week or adopting a Jewish practice thats new to their life. They may even go as far as to marry a fellow camper, as former camperAbby Eisen did this past April,exchanging vows with the partner she first met at camp several years prior. In true Camp Nai fashion, Abby returned to San Rafael as staff.

Getting out of their comfort zones and finding themselves at camp, where there is such a sense of community and unity, is so powerful, Kurakin said. I call it peoples happy place.

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SPONSORED: Jewish camp experience for adults brings out the child in everyone J. - The Jewish News of Northern California

I was gay and Jewish under apartheid. LGBTQ rights are slipping away in the US J. – The Jewish News of Northern California

Posted By on June 4, 2022

Last month, the world lost a transformational giant in the LGBTQ rights movement.Urvashi Vaidwas a pioneering social justice activist, attorney and award-winning author. She was also one of my great human rights teachers.

Urvashi was bold, unflinching and driven. She introduced questions of race, nationality and ethnicity into the LGBTQ space in the early 90s, at a time when it was very much dominated by white gay men and white lesbians. Her passion for equality was evident every time she spoke whether it was the two of us at the water cooler when we worked on the same floor (me at the Gay Mens Health Crisis, she at the Arcus Foundation, which supports LGBTQ social justice issues and Great Apes conservation) or before hundreds during a rally.

I remember our conversations fondly. Enveloped by the smell of coffee roasting from the nearby coffeepot, we spoke of the challenges of serving the LGBTQ and HIV-positive communities during the George W. Bush era and dreamed of a world in which more attention was paid to the people deeply impacted by the AIDS crisis.

I recall that in one impassioned speech at the National Equality March in 2009, she told the crowd, There can be no lasting justice nor genuine equality for LGBTQ people until there is an end to the patriarchal way of thinking. More than a decade later, her words still ring true.

For years, it seemed that the U.S. was making meaningful progress on the road to lasting justice and genuine equality. Courts struck down anti-gay laws. LGBTQ people were granted the freedom to serve openly in the military. Same-sex couples won the right to marry (of which I took advantage). However, as we celebrate another Pride Month, our nation is backsliding, and our hard-fought gains are in peril.

More and more, it seems the U.S. is moving toward a space where hate is permissible, where bigotry becomes commonplace, and where the tenets of our democracy around building bridges between cultures are fading away. Consider that in 30 states, legislators have taken up bills that would exclude transgender children from youth sports; in Texas and Alabama, families seeking gender-affirming care for their trans children now could face charges of abuse and prison time; and in Florida, the new Dont Say Gay law prohibits education on sexual orientation and gender identity through third grade.

Each headline sends a bolt of fear through me. The LGBTQ community has faced bigotry like this before, yet I cannot help but wonder: Will we be worse off this time around? This frightening march toward inequality is a sobering reminder that oppression is a relentless adversary. However, history has taught us that these battles can be won if we keep fighting. I see shining examples of that perseverance every day in acts of resilience from around the world.

I think of a young lesbian couple in Tamil Nadu, India, who fled their homes in spring 2021 to be together despite their families disapproval. Their parents demanded their return. When that failed, they reported the two missing. After being tracked down, harassed and humiliated by police, the couple fought back by filing harassment charges against the police in the Madras High Court.

Their case drew such widespread attention that the presiding judge sought out education about same-sex relationships from health professionals before making his ruling on June 7, 2021. Not only did the lesbian couple win their case, but the judge ordered sweeping changes to tackle LGBTQ discrimination, including sensitivity training for police, the creation of gender-neutral bathrooms at schools and colleges and separate housing for gender non-conforming and trans prisoners to protect against sexual assault, among other reforms. The ruling has been hailed as a major win for gay rights in India.

Stories like theirs, of dogged determination in the face of oppression, fill me with equal parts hope and resolve. And it adds fuel to the resistance that is in my DNA as a South African who fled a dictatorship, as a gay man reared in a society that shunned homosexuality and as a Jewish person deeply connected to my heritage.

My own commitment to social justice is rooted in my experiences growing up as a Jewish gay man under apartheid in South Africa. I witnessed cruelties every day and grew to understand that these acts were rooted in hate. I even watched members of my own family stand up against injustice, including my late cousin Denis Goldberg who worked alongside Nelson Mandela and was jailed for 22 years for his anti-apartheid activism.

As a young man, I immigrated to the U.S. in 1977 to avoid serving in the South African army in defense of apartheid. I studied at the Julliard School to pursue my passion for music. It was while I was performing in some of New York Citys most underserved schools as a teaching artist in the 1980s that I came to understand the economic and racial divides that also existed here. My Jewish values compelled me to pursue a new passion then: working for justice and dignity for all people.

I am troubled by the ongoing erosion of our civil liberties in the U.S. today. Indeed, we are on the eve of what will most likely be a decision to overturn the fundamental rights of women in this country. In such fraught times, I again lean on my Jewish values, like hatmadah (to persevere). Pirkei Avot teaches that You are not obligated to complete the work, but neither are you free to desist from it. We know that no matter how grim circumstances seem, there is a human and Jewish imperative to continue laboring toward what is right. Tzedek, tzedek tirdof. Justice, justice shall you pursue.

As a society, we must not surrender to the bigotry that vilifies our differences. Let us instead be vigilant and keep up the fight. Let us build, in the words of my teacher Urvashi, a bridge to a land where no one suffers prejudice because of their sex, their gender, their religion, or their human difference.

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I was gay and Jewish under apartheid. LGBTQ rights are slipping away in the US J. - The Jewish News of Northern California


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