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Israel orders 3 new Dakar-class submarines from TKMS …

Posted By on January 20, 2022

TKMS press release

Dr Rolf Wirtz, CEO thyssenkrupp Marine Systems:

We, as thyssenkrupp Marine Systems and Germans, are honoured and proud to continue the long cooperation spanning decades with the Israeli Ministry of Defence and the Israeli Navy. The new class of submarine will provide Israel with the most advanced capabilities, based on an innovative, cutting-edge technology. This agreement demonstrates the deep commitment of thyssenkrupp Marine Systems to guarantee Israels long-term security. It was signed after a thorough and extensive groundwork process, and I would like to thank our partners in the Ministry of Defence and the Israeli Navy for their commitment and professionalism.

The Dakar-class will be of a completely new design, which is to be specifically engineered to fulfil the operational requirements of the Israeli Navy. The three submarines will replace the first batch of Dolphin-class submarines.

Dr Rolf Wirtz: In the last joint project with the Israeli Navy, the SAAR-6 project, we delivered four corvettes on time and within budget. In this respect, we are very much looking forward to working with our longstanding partner again.

Before the contract comes into effect, thyssenkrupp Marine Systems will have to hold intensive talks with its suppliers.

In preparation for the expected order, thyssenkrupp had already agreed to investments of about 250 million euro for thyssenkrupp Marine Systems in 2019. Kiel is thus securing its location as an international centre of competence for conventional submarine construction. Construction of a new shipbuilding hall and a fuel-cell production facility is already visible on the shipyard site.

-End-

To learn more about the possible characteristics of the Dakar-class check out this article by H I Sutton:

Excerpt from:

Israel orders 3 new Dakar-class submarines from TKMS ...

Israel Evicts Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah Area of Jerusalem – The New York Times

Posted By on January 20, 2022

JERUSALEM Israeli police evicted two Palestinian families from their homes on Wednesday to make way for a new school in Sheikh Jarrah, a neighborhood of East Jerusalem where previous attempts to evict other Palestinians stirred tensions that built up to the war last year between Israel and Hamas, the militant Islamist group in Gaza.

Following a standoff, police evicted two branches of the Salhiye family during a pre-dawn raid and detained several family members. State employees later demolished their homes and other nearby structures, which the Jerusalem municipality had expropriated in 2017.

A senior official of Hamas, which had previously threatened to respond violently to any further evictions in Sheikh Jarrah, called for a new Palestinian uprising, Palestinian media reported. Other Palestinians vented their anger at the evictions online.

Israeli officials said the expropriation and evictions were necessary to make way for building a school for Jewish and Arab students with learning difficulties.

But the Salhiye family and rights campaigners said the eviction was part of a more general attempt to force Palestinians from East Jerusalem, and questioned why the school could not have been built on nearby land designated for a Jewish seminary.

They are definitely trying to Judaize the neighborhood, said Lital Salhiye, 43, an Israeli who married into the Salhiye family in 1998.

Israel captured East Jerusalem from Jordan in 1967 and later annexed it. The country considers all of Jerusalem its undivided capital. But most East Jerusalem residents are Palestinians who want East Jerusalem to be the capital of a future Palestinian state, and the United Nations Security Council has deemed it occupied territory.

Evictions and demolitions are a regular part of Palestinian life in East Jerusalem, and are seen by Palestinians as an attempt to squeeze them out of the city and ensure Israels long-term control over East Jerusalem.

The city administration denies this, claiming instead that it has made it simpler for Palestinians to build.

If we wanted to kick them all out, said Fleur Hassan-Nahoum, a deputy mayor of Jerusalem, why did we pass a law three years ago to make it easier for East Jerusalemites to get permits to build?

The evictions on Wednesday were at least the 10th instance of eviction or demolition of Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem since the start of the year, and one of more than 1,000 evictions or demolitions since the start of 2016, according to the United Nations. Because it is difficult for Palestinians to obtain planning permits a U.N. assessment called it virtually impossible many build homes without authorization, leading to their demolition.

Most evictions go unreported, but cases in Sheikh Jarrah attract special attention because of the role that the district played in the buildup to last years war.

Historically, Sheikh Jarrah was mainly populated by Arabs, but it also houses a Jewish shrine and was home to a Jewish community that fled during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Nearly 30 Palestinian families, themselves displaced during the 1948 war, moved in the 1950s to the land on which the Jewish community had lived. After Israel captured the land in 1967, Israeli groups spent decades attempting to evict them.

Unsuccessful efforts to evict six of the Palestinian families in May 2021 generated an unusually strong reaction from Palestinians, and were among the reasons cited by Hamas to justify firing the rocket barrage that started last years war.

The predicament of many families in Sheikh Jarrah has a strong resonance for most Palestinians.

The Israeli groups pursuing their eviction are led by settlers who mostly did not live on the plots before 1948, but instead bought the land from the original Jewish owners.

The settlers use a 1970 law to attempt to evict Palestinians, who cannot use that same law to reclaim the homes in Israel that they lost in 1948, because the legislation only applies to property seized that year by Jordan, not Israel. Other legislation exists under which Palestinian residents of Israel can, in theory, apply to reclaim their land, but in practice that has succeeded in only exceptional cases.

The Salhiye family says it was also displaced from another part of Jerusalem that became Israel in 1948, but their situation differs slightly from that of the families under threat elsewhere in the neighborhood.

First, it is the Jerusalem municipality that has expropriated the land and evicted the family, not a settler group. Second, the Salhiye family is also accused by other East Jerusalem residents of stealing the land from a fellow Palestinian in the 1990s.

Sami Abu Dayyeh, a prominent hotelier, and his lawyer, Elias Khoury, a well-known rights attorney, said the land has been owned since the 1960s by a company later bought by Mr. Abu Dayyeh. Prior to the expropriation by the Jerusalem municipality, Mr. Abu Dayyeh had attempted to evict the Salhiye family to build a hotel.

The Salhiye family deny the claim and say they had lived on the land since before Israel captured it, buying it outright in early 1967.

But Mr. Abu Dayyeh and the Salhiye family both see the municipal expropriation of the land as part of a wider Israeli effort to undermine the Palestinian presence in Jerusalem.

The decision is political and complies with the aggressive government policy in Jerusalem to evict Arabs from their properties and to create political facts on the ground, Mr. Khoury said in a statement.

But the Jerusalem municipality said it simply wanted to build a new school for the benefit of all citizens.

These illegal buildings had been preventing the construction of a school which can benefit the children of the entire Sheikh Jarrah community, the municipality said in a statement distributed by the Israeli prime ministers office.

More here:

Israel Evicts Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah Area of Jerusalem - The New York Times

Lapid speaks with Turkish counterpart in latest sign of diplomatic thaw – The Times of Israel

Posted By on January 20, 2022

Texas synagogue hostage-taker said he prayed two years for attack reports

LONDON A British man who took hostages at a Texas synagogue told his family he had prayed for two years to carry out the attack, media report today, as police make two arrests.

Malik Faisal Akram, 44, from Blackburn in northwest England, was shot dead by the FBI during a 10-hour siege in the small town of Colleyville last Saturday.

His four hostages, including a rabbi, were all freed unharmed.

The London-based Jewish Chronicle publishes on its website what it says is a recording of Akrams last phone call with his brother back home, where he outlined his aims.

Akram tells his brother, Gulbar, during the siege, Ive come to die, adding that he wants to go down as a martyr and is bombed up with every ammunition.

His brother urges him to give himself up.

The BBC says experts believe the call is genuine.

Suggesting the attack was long-planned, Akram says: Ive prayed to Allah for two years for this Im coming back home in a body bag.

The recording raises further questions about the thoroughness of a recent investigation into Akram by British security services.

Media reports have said Akram was investigated in 2020 by Britains domestic security agency MI5 after he spent six months in Pakistan. But the probe was shut down after just over a month due to lack of evidence that he was a threat, and he was able to travel to the United States without being flagged as a risk.

British counter-terrorism police meanwhile say today they are questioning two men after early-morning arrestsas part of an investigation into the incident.

Excerpt from:

Lapid speaks with Turkish counterpart in latest sign of diplomatic thaw - The Times of Israel

As high-tech salaries soar, the rest of Israel feels the impact – Haaretz

Posted By on January 20, 2022

The Israeli high-tech industry is on fire: Billions of dollars of investment are pouring into startups, exports of everything from semiconductors to research and development services are growing, and companies are begging for workers.

Thecoronavirusand the demand for digital products and services it has spurred have made Israeli tech bigger and richer than ever before. But this process is also widening the digital money divide between the high-tech elite and the rest of society.

For years high-tech workers have enjoyed pay and conditions far better than other Israelis, but the gap widened sharply last year.

The Central Bureau of Statistics says the average monthly salary in the tech industry reached 25,812 shekels ($8,240) in October, more than 8 percent above a year earlier. The best-paid jobs in R&D and software engineering pay 2,000 and 3,000 shekels a month more. Meanwhile, average pay in Israel was at 11,277 shekels in October, with the number falling 2.6 percent over the previous 12 months.

Eyal Solomon, CEO of the high-tech recruiting firm Ethosia, says the statistics bureaus figure understates the real rise in salaries. In industries like software and other engineering fields, as well as in product management, pay has grown much faster, he told Haaretz.

Salaries are up because demand for workers is so strong. Some 780 Israeli startups raised a record $26 billion from investors last year, and now theyre hiring to increase sales and achieve profits. Demand is so great that Ethosia estimates that around 21,000 tech jobs were unfilled at the end of last year, up from 13,000 to 14,000 in previous years.

All that money has given startups such deep pockets that they can even lure employees from multinational companies based in Israel giants like Intel and Microsoft.

Looking back at the past year in terms of acquisitions and funding, you see that about $26 billion came into the country, and this money goes directly to salaries and benefits, even fun stuff, Solomon says, referring to perks like company events and presents. Were seeing them now hiring people who in the past wouldnt have even approached them for a job.

The growing pay gap between tech and the rest should come as no surprise. The flip side of theCOVIDboost to tech employment is a decline in demand for jobs that require the fewest skills. Remote services and digitization have hastened the pace at which those kinds of jobs are disappearing.

Thats taking a toll on large swaths of the Israeli economy. As much as tech is Israels flagship industry and its payroll is growing, government figures show it accounts for just over 9 percent of the Israeli labor force. The core R&D and software sectors employ just 55,800 of the 3.76 million people in the Israeli labor market.

Lesser-loved law degrees

The widening pay gap is reverberating across Israeli education and the job market, and even the army.

University students are shunning studiesin the humanities, social sciencesand even law in favor of tech-friendly majors. The number of students pursuing a bachelors degree in math, statistics and computer science has more than doubled in the decade to the 2020-21 academic year, according to the Council for Higher Education. The number studying engineering is up 42 percent.

Together, math, computer science and engineering account for 28 percent of Israels undergraduate population. The council launched an 850-million-shekel program in 2017 to boost undergraduate tech studies and increase the number of students by 40 percent, and it has almost reached its goal.

Meanwhile, the number of students studying for a B.A. in the humanities has dropped 25 percent. Even the number of students pursuing a law degree, once the preferred route to a lucrative career, is down almost 8 percent in the last decade.

The army hasnt escaped the high-tech vortex either. Israels most ambitious young people once sought to serve in elite combat units, but today, with an eye on a tech career, many prefer to serve inthe elite 8200 intelligence unitor other high-tech outfits.

That prompted IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Avi Kochavi last month tocriticize the cultural change. Referring to a poster with the slogan The Best for Cyber, riffing on the air forces motto, Kochavi said: The best are first and foremost the fighters, as measured by their willingness to contribute to the country and sacrifice their lives to protect others.

In fact, even 8200 is struggling to keep its best recruits from quitting for high-tech jobs after their mandatory service ends. Service in 8200 is regarded by employers as the equivalent of a first-class university degree.

The problem of tech snatching up so many skilled workers extends to older people already established in their careers in other professions. Israels top law firms raised salaries this year for first-year associates in an effort to keep them from jumping ship. At Herzog, Fox & Neeman, for example, pay was boosted to 16,000 shekels a month from 14,000.

Young lawyers see their friends in high-tech getting 22,000 and even more. They wont stay in the [legal] profession if we dont compensate them properly, one senior law firm partner told the financial daily Globes.

Even the medical profession is feeling the tech squeeze. As Haaretz reported last September, doctors work longer hours at more stressful jobsfor less pay than their techie counterparts. Meanwhile, Israels defense industry, which is heavily geared to high-tech weaponry, is also seeing employees flee to better-paying tech jobs. Government-owned companies, whose ability to offer more pay and better conditions is constrained by public sector rules and regulations, cant begin to compete.

Shoddy schools

Still, the option of jumping to a more lucrative job in tech or to study engineering instead of comparative literature is only available to a small number of Israelis.

AsTel Aviv University economist Dan Ben-Davidexplains, the great majority of Israelis dont have the skills and education to aspire to an engineering degree or the luxury of jumping from a high-paid job as a lawyer to an even higher-paid one as a software engineer.

Israeli schools perform poorly, as seen in their students low scores on international exams such as the OECDs PISA, leaving them without the necessary skills. The growth of Israeli high education hasnt kept pace with population growth.

Moreover, Israelsultra-Orthodoxminority is the fastest-growing segment of the population and rarely gets the kind of schooling that prepares its kids for the labor market, much less a high-tech job.

The diameter of the pipeline is too narrow, Ben-David says. The primary problem is the feeder system the high schools and the elementary schools. The education we provide in Israel is at the bottom of the developed world. The groups that are growing the fastest arent capable of being accepted to university. ... Even if they could enroll, we wouldnt have enough room for them.

The impact of tech salaries is stretching beyond the labor market. The tens of billions of dollars being invested in the industry comes mainly from abroad investment in dollars thats converted into shekels. As a result, the shekel is ata 25-year high against the dollar. That has made competing in overseas markets a lot harder for Israels non-tech companies, whose costs in dollar terms have risen.

The tech boom is also threatening to accelerate the pace of soaring home prices.

It hasnt happened yet. Last year, prices nationwide jumped 10.6 percent, but the number was about the same in the Tel Aviv area, even though its the epicenter of the tech industry. Geocartography, a market research firm, said in a survey released in November that even though techies are accumulating savings from high salaries, bonuses and stock options, they havent yet descended on the real estate market in a big way.

But they are expected to soon. About 42 percent of the 300 tech workers Geocartography surveyed said they didnt own a home, making them candidate buyers, and about a third said they planned to buy one in the next three years.

The real impact of techies will be felt in the coming years when many of them buy their first or second home, Rina Degani, the firms chairwoman, told Globes.

The money they have and the big mortgages they can afford may in the first stage spur the market for small and luxury homes, and later bigger ones, she added.

Read the rest here:

As high-tech salaries soar, the rest of Israel feels the impact - Haaretz

COVID in Israel: New cases break yet another record as isolation period cut – Haaretz

Posted By on January 20, 2022

Israel diagnosed 71,593 people with the coronavirus on Tuesday, marking another new record in daily new cases since the start of the pandemic, Health Ministry director-general Nachman Ash said in a radio interview.

Irans bizarre but worrying espionage campaign against Israel: LISTEN

Ash estimated that the number of new cases could be twice or three times higher than the official data.

Ash told Army Radio that there are 526 COVID patients who are hospitalized in serious condition, still well below the nearly 1,200 who were in serious condition last January.

The Health Ministry hasn't updated the numbers on its site displaying national COVID statistics since Sunday, but it said Tuesday that 100 of the serious cases are on ventilators and 13 on ECMO machines.

There are 8,129 medical workers who have been infected and are in isolation.

Meanwhile, 58,661 people have received a fourth vaccine shot, and more than 4.4 million have received a third dose. As of Tuesday, 8,340 people had died of COVID in Israel.

On Wednesday, the decision came into effect to shorten the isolation period for COVID carriers and unvaccinated people who were in contact with them from seven to five days. According to the new policy, people with COVID will have to conduct two home antigen tests on the fourth and fifth days after they were diagnosed and will be able to leave isolation after the fifth day, as long as the tests were negative and they do not have symptoms.

Unvaccinated people who were in contact with a confirmed case must quarantine for the full five days and will be required to be tested at the end of that period.

The Health Ministry clarified its requirements on Wednesday evening, saying that those who received a positive result from a home antigen test on their fourth or fifth day of self-isolation must remain in quarantine for a full seven days. After that week of isolation is completed, patients who do not experience symptoms for 48 hours may exit quarantine after receiving approval of recovery from their HMO.

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett is expected to hold talks with Health Minister Nitzan Horowitz and top officials in the ministry in the coming days to consider a proposal to exempt students from quarantine if they were exposed to a confirmed case. According to this proposal, any student exposed to a COVID carrier will be regularly tested and will not need to quarantine. It is not yet clear how frequent this testing would be, and how long it would continue.

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COVID in Israel: New cases break yet another record as isolation period cut - Haaretz

Americas wild ‘World War III’ plan for Iran, and Israels part in it – Haaretz

Posted By on January 20, 2022

It may sound fantastic now,and was probably not really feasible even then.

But according to the Pentagons own Joint Chiefs of Staff, sometime in the mid-1980s, American military planners wanted Israel to take part in a war which would start in Iran and spread to the Eastern Mediterranean, where the Israel Air Force would be tasked with striking Soviet ships and othermilitaryunits.

Irans bizarre but worrying espionage campaign against Israel: LISTEN

This comes not from some scoop-seeking scholar, but from the horses mouth. David B. Crist,theJoint ChiefsSenior Historian specializing in Iran and its 43-year conflict with eight U.S. administrations, is a Reserve Marine Corps Lieutenant Colonel,with combat deployments in the Middle East and Special Forces background.

He has been privy to secret contingency plans,has observed Irans activities in the Gulf and beyond and appears to be IDF-friendly, having being associated with the pro-Israel Washington Institute.

Recently, Crist uploaded to the Joint Chiefs website an unusual,even dramatic presentationwith an understated title: "U.S. Central Command Campaign Planning Against The Soviet Union, 1979-87." It was originally shown to the current Commanding General of CENTCOM, Frank McKenzie, a fellow Marine, and his officers.

Military history centers are not academically oriented, though they aimto offerthe most thorough research. Their mission is to provide todays cadre with case studies of past events, in order to distill relevant lessons for immediate and future use in either the same places or in similar dimensions of warfare.And this presentation is no exception. It offers a window into U.S. military strategic thinking about taking on Iran today and what Israels role would be in such an operation.

These days, it is quite routine for the Israeli Navy to practice interoperability with theU.S.sBahrain-based Fifth Fleet and for the IDF to train withU.S.fighter squadrons in exercises such as last weeks Desert Falcon, as part of its military relationship with the U.S.s CENTCOM, which watches over the Gulf. But this was not the case in the last quarter-century before themillennium, and it was definitely not imagined by most to bea partnershippointed against Russia.

Defense collaboration (rather than simply assistance) between the Pentagon and Tel AvivsKiryadefenseHQ began following the Yom Kippur War, picked up steam after the Camp David accords - when Egypt, too, joined the American orbit and took off momentarily under President Ronald Reagan, with Defense Minister Ariel Sharon signed a strategic cooperation agreement with Secretary of Defense CasperWeinberger.

Thisunprecedenteddocument reflected a tug of war between Washington, wishing to paint its relationship with Israel as anti-Soviet rather than anti-Arab, and Jerusalem,with an opposite policy, fearful of alienating Moscow.

This agreement was almost immediately cancelled when Israel annexed the Golan Heights. It was revived andupgradedwhen Yitzhak Shamir, as prime minister, and Moshe Arens, as foreign minister, replaced Menachem Begin and Sharon.

Washington welcomed them, along with Ehud Barak, then head of militaryintelligence,and hisplanning colleague Menachem Einan, for are-launch of talks and the setting up of mechanisms, protocols and joint projects, including the rare provision of pre-positioning sites for U.S. munitions in Israel for immediate availability in case of emergency. There were apparently at least six such sites, numbered 51-56, with 54 described as a 500-bed hospital for war casualties.

Reading Crists account, it now turns out that some key American officials, most prominently Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Armitage, had creative ideas for taking therenewedpartnership to the next level.

Armitage, Colin Powells closest friend and later Deputy Secretary of State, forged a warm bond with Barak and Major General Uri Simhoni, the Defense Attache (who passed away last month, several weeks after their buddy, Powell).And there was a specific mission that would confirm their collaboration.

The Soviets were always suspected of harboring a plot to invade Iran, perhaps with help from the inside by the Communist-leaning Tudeh party. But following the Soviet incursionintoneighboring Afghanistan,and Khomeinis taking power in Tehran, vowing to export the Islamic revolution, the old scenario was refreshed.

Now,theSovietsmotive would be to prevent the spread of Khomeinism to the USSRs Muslimrepublics and Afghanistan,and to stop "the fragmentation of the Iranian state caused by internal strife or defeat" in the (1980-88) Iran-Iraq War.The Soviets interest in some form of control over Iran sprang from two core reasons: The first, irridentist/territorial, wanting to swallow up northern Iraninto then-Soviet controlledAzerbaijan, andthe second strategic: To have Persian Gulf bases for their fleet.

The "Large-Scale Soviet Invasion Plan" Crist found in the files showed arrows drawn south from Armenia and the Caspian Sea towards the capital, Tehran indicating the large-scale movement of Soviet military forces and then on to Isfahan, Khuzestan and Bandar Abbas,on the Gulf,with the invading forces drawn from a pool of "24-29 Mechanized or Armor Divisions, one Airborne Division and 700-1000 strike aircraft."

U.S. counter-strategy, according to Col. Crist, was "to deter the Soviets from invasion" byowning the capacity "to deploy and sustain a credible force to the region, with the clear indication that a Soviet attack on a vital American interest would mean war with the United States. If a conflict begins, be prepared to attack and defeat any Soviet effort to control the oil of the Middle East."

Also, and this is where Israel comes in,the U.S. would aim to "widen the conflict beyond just the Middle East to other areas where the U.S. and our allies hold military advantage." The documents quoted are fromDefense SecretaryWeinberger toJoint ChiefsChairman David Jones, an Air Forcegeneral, and vice versa.

This sounds likethe script for alimited version of World War III,with nuclear weaponsincluded. If the plan didn't call for Strategic Air Command strikes inside the Soviet Union,it did foreseeat leasttactical nuclear strikes on the USSR and Iran,shelling, mine-layingmines and "demolition packs" explosive charge carried onan infantrymans back, saboteur-style, but in this casecontaininganuclearcharge.

The "1004" plan proposed a so-called "Horizontal Escalation," escalating geographically andsandwiching Iran from the north and south,whereby American forces would operate from Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt and a Saudi jumpboard into Iran.

The plan also envisages an intensive sabotage campaign, led by U.S. Special Forces working with the CIA, who would embrace "unconventional warfare to develop a resistance movement disrupting Soviet forces by blowing bridges and attacking their rear areas."

A further layer of U.S. allied militaries, frommoderate, pro-Western countries in the region, would "operate against Soviet client states, especially those with historic animosity" towards the U.S., such as Syria.

This, specifiesCrists documents, "would include Israel, who would insure the safety of the Suez Canal by striking Soviet forces in the Eastern Mediterranean."

While Israel was earlier drawn into dogfights with Soviet fighters over Egypt and struck transports bringing equipment to Syria, its leaders from Ben-Gurion to Eshkol and Golda to Dayan always commented thatthey hadno illusions regarding the IDFs ability to withstand a Soviet onslaught. But the American planners let their imagination run wild, and it had its uses for their Israeli counterparts.

"We went along with the simulation," recalled an Israeli defense official whohelda central role then, "because it helped foster a closer relationship with our professional opposite numbers, who up until that time were more reserved.

"Indeed, we looked at options stemming fromsuperpower conflict around Syria or Cyprus, with the possibility of our being drawn in and clashing with Sovietair ornaval units. It was a modular, multi-part scenario, potentially based around Iran as a flashpoint,but with other narratives as well. As is customary with military organizations, it is not a plan, per se, that is important, as itwouldinevitably have to adapt to circumstances, butit was an exercise inthe practice of planning, in this case together," Israelis and Americans.

This was the seed of what has by now blossomed into a forest. The Soviet Union disintegrated shortly thereafter, but Russia is back in force in Syria and Iran is a perennial headache, so while the plan unearthed by theJoint Chiefshistorian was never put to a test, it iscertainlytoo early to consign it to a museum display.

The Pentagons decision to give Crists seemingly confidential briefing wider distribution mayalso be a message of its own. It could beintended to orient moreU.S.officers towards the considerations and constraints involved ina potentialwar against Iran, withIsraels participation,or without it.In the reports own words, "[T]he geography has not changed. Any Iranian-centric conflict will confront the U.S.with similar challenges."

Conspiratorial mindswillalso see it as a signal aimeddirectlyat Tehran, translating mere saber-rattling rhetoric into concrete combat schemes,completewith assigned units and projected timelines.

Amir Oren, a veteran observer of Israeli, American and NATO military and political affairs, has written for Haaretz on defense and government for more than two decades. Twitter: @Rimanero

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Americas wild 'World War III' plan for Iran, and Israels part in it - Haaretz

Turn On the Light, Extinguish the Fire: Israel’s New Way of War – War on the Rocks

Posted By on January 20, 2022

During Israels last operation in Gaza in May 2021, the Israel Defense Forces intercepted 90 percent of all Hamas rockets. However, Hamas declared victory. Itsrockets claimed the lives of 11 civilians, including a five-year-old boy in his bomb shelter, and proved effective in dictating the strategic agenda. What explains this anomaly? What canthe Israel Defense Forces do to improve their response?

For the past several years, the Israel Defense Forces have been engaged in a heated debate resulting from the 2019 publication of a new operational concept for war between Israel and the forces of Hizballah and Hamas. In order to contribute to the debate, this article will focus on the necessary response within the framework of this new Israeli military approach.

The Israel Defense Forces should establish a more modern and adaptable military capability in order to return a decisive military advantage to Israel. They should adopt a novel approach to modern warfare: a stand-in Internet of Battlefield Things reconnaissance strike complex. Future Israeli ground maneuvers in enemy territory will need to expose the enemys projectile-firing capabilities and destroy them. The Israeli military will need to turn on the light by employing a network of advanced sensors and extinguish the fire by linking those sensors to firepower in order to attack the missile launchers and intercept missiles ascending from enemys territory.

The Missile Challenge and the Principles of the Response

The 1973 Yom Kippur War was the first area-denial missile war in history. The Egyptian army waged a war entirely with missiles against platforms, unprecedented in its scope. The missile bent the wing of the plane, said former Israeli Air Force commander Ezer Weizman after the 19681970 War of Attrition, and his metaphor was even more apt three years later. The missile didnt only take its toll on Israeli planes, but it also stopped Israels vaunted armor on the sands of the Sinai. However, in the Mediterranean Sea, Israeli missiles proved decisive against the Syrian and Egyptian navies.

In October 1973, Egypts President Anwar Sadat and Chief of the General Staff Lt. Gen. Saad el-Shazly showed the world a new way to fight. After recognizing the relative inferiority of the Egyptian army, they developed a concept of limited surprise attack, followed by anti-tank infantry forces holding captured territory while protected by an umbrella of anti-aircraft missiles. The tactical missiles Sagger missiles against tanks and surface-to-air missiles against airplanes enabled the Egyptian army to stand against the elite Israeli tanks and pilots. On top of these tactical innovations, the Egyptian forces were equipped with Soviet Scud missiles for enhanced deterrence against Israeli strategic bombings in Egypt.

The war shook up military thought in Israel and across the Western world. In its wake, after the relevant technologies reached maturity in the 1990s, a revolution in precision munitions and targeting unfolded. The main result of the change was the development of an ability to attack armored fighting vehicles deep in enemy territory. According to Meir Finkels study of that period, the Israel Defense Forces

developed a concept called offensive defense [] it consisted of fire capabilities that enabled a simultaneous attack on the enemy at different depth echelons a high strike rate in order to disrupt and sever all levels of the enemys attack.

Still, in Israel, this transformation did not place the enemy area-denial missile challenge at center stage. And at least on land it did not offer a solution. Instead, Israel remained focused on a Syrian and Iraqi Arab armored invasion. As such, the threats posed by missiles remained on the fringes of Israeli military thought.

Israeli Air Force commanders have now recognized the emerging challengesin attaining air superiority. Yet, even as air superiority is challenged by a new generation of ground-to-air missiles, the air forces dilemmas are still preferable to those of the ground forces. Today, airpower is fundamental to every Israeli offensive, while ground maneuvers are undesirable and to be avoided if at all possible. The Israeli Air Force is also the dominant service in the ongoing campaign between wars. Since the end of the First Lebanon War, ground forces have remained the last tool in Israels strategic toolbox. This well-known Israeli maneuver malaise has been apparent in every Israeli military operation since, with a long phase of deliberation and delay before a ground attack that does not always come and even when it does, it is neither deep nor decisive.

In 1973, a modest complement of Scud missiles deterred Israel. Today, tens of thousands of missiles and rockets based in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon pose a major threat to the Israeli home front.These weapons give Israels foes the ability to strike everywhere in the country with increasing accuracy, even in the face of the vaunted Iron Dome missile-defense system.

The missile threat is the new heart of the enemy strategy.How does an approach that advocates decisive victory over missile-based terrorist armies seek to deal with and solve this challenge?

Two elements make it difficult to fight a missile-based force.First, the missile allows its operator to remain hidden, at least most of the time.The second challenge is lethality:Hamas and Hizballah missiles are increasingly accurate and lethal.A missile-based adversary deprives Israeli forces of effective targets, while at the same time turning them into one. The solution lies in two simple principles: Turn on the light expose the enemy as the result of his need to reveal himself, helped by more sophisticated detection capabilities.Then extinguish the fire attack the missile launchers (and intercept missiles already launched) in the short periods during which they are exposed.

Turn On the Light: A Complex of Sensors

The first obstacle in dealing with enemy missile salvos, both against Israeli forces and against the home front, is the difficulty in locating them.The Israeli Defence Forces call this challenge the disappearing enemy, and its essence is simple.Missile teams dont have to move around the battlefield in conspicuous armored vehicles.They are hidden in rural and urban areas, remaining effective both in sniper missions against Israeli forces using anti-tank missiles and indirect fire, and in attacks against the civilian home front. Moreover, intelligence gathered before a conflict, as important as it is, is not sufficient against an enemy that has designed its posture around avoiding Israeli airpower.

All advanced militaries are developing means of saturating the battlefield with ground and air sensors, most of which are based on unmanned platforms. Operating within an advanced all-to-all communication networks, these sensors are designed to detect the enemy, enable the formation of an accurate operational picture, and allow for the destruction of enemy forces.The new Israeli military operational concept centers on this very idea.

The employment of such a sensor network should be the responsibility of the land forces. Only in close proximity to troops is the enemy forced to intensify his activity and increase his signature.The importance of exposing the enemy near the front line was identified in the U.S. multi-domain battle concept and in the Israeli ground forces land ahead concept.Basing sensor networks on swarm elements and automated information processing which some describe as an Internet of battlefield things will prevent the ground force being weighed down and avoid the overly deliberate pace of operations that results when a commander must personally review data collected by a glider or an unmanned aerial vehicle.

The enemys weakness is, in fact, that its whole purpose on the battlefield is to launch and fire.During most of the battle, enemy forces will be in hiding, in order to conserve the force so that it can, when the time comes, fire missiles or launch rockets activities that are difficult to hide. While Israeli forces have invested tremendous effort locating hideouts and attempting to hunt down enemies moving covertly between positions, they have not effectively taken advantage of the fact that an individual becomes visible at the moment of firing or launching.This missed opportunity is exacerbated when one considers that radar location and optical launch detection are simple and cheap solutions that cover large areas. Tactical radar networks spread around the battlefield at appropriate locations, alongside land-based and aerial launch detectors, could discover the source of rocket, mortar, surface-to-air missile, and anti-tank fire accurately and in real time.

Several elements could allow Israeli forces to use the moment of launch as the operational and intelligence-gathering anchor. The first is the launch timeframe, which is longer than one might assume.Hizballah and Hamas tend to launch a mass of rockets to overwhelm the other sides defenses and hit as much as possible.Emptying a multiple-barrel launcher takes at least half a minute from the moment of first launch.Operators of mortars, anti-tank missiles, and other similar means will have been held in place for at least a few minutes while they fire, especially if they intend to fire again. The second is combining sensor types to detect launches.Within a sophisticated sensor network, a staring sensor that locates a launch can immediately point an investigator sensor to a specific location. Doing so within seconds would identify the enemy during the launch or during his retreat, which would in turn allow forces either to attack or to track the enemy to his hiding position. The third is the integration of attack capabilities with such a sophisticated sensing network.The legal and operational complexities that are required to couple data collection and automatic assault in other contexts are not required to immediately attack sources of fire for the purpose of force or homeland protection.

A missile aimed at its target by external sensors would enjoy several notable advantages. It would have accuracy and immunity from interference. A missile that homes in on its target using sensors focused on that target will be more accurate.As it would not depend on data-transfer processes between different systems, it would not be vulnerable to GPS blocking and would not need heavy mapping infrastructure (with inherent accuracy limitations).The missile simply flies to the point at which the sensors are aimed.

Such a missile could give up a complex seeker component, which would significantly reduce its cost.Eliminating or simplifying the seeker component, along with operating in close proximity to enemy targets, frees the missile from engineering constraints, leading to faster performance and more aggressive maneuverability as well as lower cost.This means, of course, that Israel would have the ability to equip its forces with ample missile-based attack systems. In a longer-term view, such missiles, together with future laser weapons, could be Israels way out of the expensive defense against cheap offense paradox.

Put Out the Fire: Eliminate the Enemys Fire Capabilities

Proximity allows for accuracy and speed. The idea is for the Israeli military to take advantage of the proximity of its maneuvering forces to the enemy to do three things: exploit improved sensing capabilities (especially for detecting the location of launches), place networked missiles in a tactical rear but physically close position, and quickly attack the sources of enemy fire.Resistance to Israeli forces by means such as anti-tank weapons, mortars, rockets, and even surface-to-air missiles would go from relatively safe to very dangerous. The immediate attack of sources of enemy fire would likely force the enemy into new dilemmas over force design and employment.

Forward interception, also known as ascent-phase interception, is also possible thanks to the relative proximity to enemy launch sites.This type of interception would reduce the threat to the home front, eliminate a considerable portion of the alarm among civilians caused by frequent air-raid sirens, greatly reduce the load on and thus increase the effectiveness of home-front defense systems, and create a sense of futility in the enemy about continuing the fight. Additionally, since the scope of short-range fire can be significantly reduced by attacking large clusters of rocket launchers, forward interception can focus only on the most threatening missiles.The combination of attacking the sources of fire and intercepting the most threatening missiles would effectively paralyze the enemys ability to wage war using only a few thousand missiles, even during a full-scale war.

Intercepting missiles only during their descent toward the home front, as Israel does today, is in fact an insistence on fighting at an inherent disadvantage.It follows, therefore, that the ability to immediately attack sources of fire, and intercept projectiles in the ascent phase, would greatly benefit Israels combat system.Integrating these abilities with the tactical and home-front defense systems that are already in service would create a huge adaptive challenge for the enemy.

New Maneuver, Decisive Attack

Because rocket fire on the home front has become the main threat facing Israel, the concept I describe here involves a persistent dilemma between concentrating force and diffusing it. Concentrating force is necessary for creating momentum and knocking the enemy off balance. However, a concentrated attack leaves active launch sites on the forces flanks and does not remove the threat to the home front. Although numerous rounds of conflict have taken place in both Lebanon and the Gaza Strip, the Israeli military has thus far not launched a full-scale ground attack designed to protect the home front from rockets and missiles.

A turn on the light and extinguish the fire maneuver would be able to attack deep into enemy territory to conquer main nerve centers and inflict a decisive defeat, while suppressing enemy rockets and missiles launched nearby toward Israeli forces and toward the home front.The force would protect itself and the home front from missiles and rockets. It would also avoid more traditional, complex, and risky seek-and-destroy missions by striking only selected targets, thereby shortening the battle. If necessary, fire suppression assets could also be deployed outside the main forces path of advance, supported by dedicated assault and security forces.

Although detection and fire suppression systems are not cheap, they would yield savings elsewhere.For example, attacking multi-barreled launchers would save money on expensive interceptors and reduce wasteful artillery fire for disruption purposes.Battlefield sensor systems would provide area protection for Israeli combat platforms, thereby reducing the technological demands on each armored vehicle.There are already development projects that envision the combat platform as a maneuvering carrier of sensor and information-processing capabilities.This marks a trend toward more combat units based on fewer platforms and with increased effectiveness.

A Better Way to Secure Israel

The 30 years during which the Israel Defense Forces have been pursuing a strategic holding pattern also known as deterrence operations have shown how dangerous that approach is.Despite Israels hopes that the situation in the region will change while it waits, Iranian-sponsored terrorist armies have flourished on Israels borders, additional enemy launch bases are being developed in the region, and the Iranian regime, Israels regional adversary, has not changed its agenda.

If Israel focuses only on turning on the light and extinguishing the fire, it will be able to defeat the enemy again quickly and at reasonable cost. The secret is in the focus: All of the enemys power rests on the difficulty in locating him and his stand-off fires.

The concept presented here leverages the enemys addiction to rockets and missiles in order to defeat him. Along the way, it also provides necessary answers to the issues of force protection and home-front defense. Above all, such an approach would deprive the enemy not only of his capabilities, but also of his desire to continue fighting.

The technology is available. It is time to turn it into an operational capability.In the medium and long term, its contribution would not only be on the battlefield, but also in saving Israeli lives and valuable resources.

Israel Defense Forces Brig. Gen. Eran Ortal commands the Dado Center for Interdisciplinary Military Studies. The author would like to thank Lazar Berman and Itay Haiminis for useful comments, translation, and editing assistance. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent those of the Israeli Defense Forces, nor do they represent official Israeli policy.

Image: U.S. Marine Corps (Photo by Staff Sgt. Donald Holbert)

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Turn On the Light, Extinguish the Fire: Israel's New Way of War - War on the Rocks

Why Israels prosecutors would be wise to forgo a plea bargain with Netanyahu – The Times of Israel

Posted By on January 20, 2022

On May 24, 2020, with a group of about a dozen leading Likud politicians arrayed in solidarity around him, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu unleashed a furious denunciation of the state prosecution system that, he charged, was framing him, trampling the law and subverting Israeli democracy.

Elements in the police and state prosecution banded together with left-wing journalists to fabricate baseless cases against me, Netanyahu alleged. The goal is to oust a strong right-wing prime minister and to banish the right-wing camp from the leadership of the country for many years This is an attempted political coup, against the will of the people.

These claims, and much more of what he said that Sunday morning, he had said many times before, including in a series of live broadcasts into the nations living rooms. What was different that day was the location: at the entrance to the Jerusalem District Court where his trial in three corruption cases was getting underway.

Now, 20 months later, the attorney general who oversaw the investigation into Netanyahu, and made the momentous decision to indict a serving prime minister, is widely reported to be blowing hot and cold on the idea of finalizing a plea bargain with the defendant the defendant who has sought to transform the case of the state versus Benjamin Netanyahu into the case of Benjamin Netanyahu versus the law enforcement institutions of the state.

What has changed, centrally, in these past 20 months is that Netanyahu is no longer in office, ousted in large part because of those charges brought against him, graft allegations that cost him crucial support. In Netanyahus narrative, the coup succeeded.

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Several reasons have been advanced by ostensible insiders and other experts as to why Avichai Mandelblit would consider cutting a deal in this highest-of-all-stakes prosecution. None of them seems satisfactory.

It has been suggested that the attorney general wants to wrap up the case before he steps down, after six years, at the end of the month. Thats patently absurd. He would have known when he filed the indictment that he would no longer be around at the end of a trial involving hundreds of witnesses, and that he would not need to be around; his successor(s) would continue to oversee the team directly prosecuting the case.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, left, speaks with then-cabinet secretary Avichai Mandelblit, later Israels attorney general, during a cabinet meeting in Jerusalem, September 21, 2014. (AP/Menahem Kahana, Pool/File)

It has been posited, including energetically by Netanyahu loyalists, that Mandelblit is not confident that he can secure a conviction. If that were so, he should never have filed the charges. Its a little too late for cold feet now.

And it has been suggested, by the former president of the Supreme Court, Aharon Barak, no less, that a resolution now, with an admission of guilt by the former prime minister albeit to the markedly lesser crimes in the proposed deal would benefit Israeli society at large. Barak, who has confirmed that he is encouraging Mandelblit to work for a plea bargain, said this week that a deal would take the sting out of the attacks on the court system and thus expedite a process of national healing.

With all due respect to Barak, such a notion implausibly assumes that Israels most oft-elected and longest-serving prime minister and still the publics preferred choice for the job would, once a deal were done, slink away into chastened oblivion.

Far more likely is that Netanyahu would, first, assert that the case against him was collapsing, as proven by Mandelblits readiness to drop the most serious charge, of bribery. Second, he would explain that he was nonetheless compelled to plead guilty to the reduced charges because, given the pernicious forces stacked against him and against the political bloc he heads, his innocence was an insufficient defense. Third, he would seek a presidential pardon, or at least a shortened ban from public office. National healing? Not so much.

The arguments against Mandelblit concluding a plea bargain with Netanyahu, by contrast, appear potent and compelling.

The attorney general chose to take on a serving prime minister because he was adamant that there was a serious and solid case for Netanyahu to answer so serious and solid as to obligate him to intervene in the normal functioning of the democratic process. He determined that Israeli law allowed Netanyahu to remain in office while the investigation continued, and even after the indictment was filed and the trial got underway. But he knew that the probe, the charges and the trial would remake Israeli politics.

So, issuing the indictment was, to resort to understatement, not a step to be taken lightly. Equally, it is not a process to lightly abort before the evidence is presented and weighed.

Moreover, the defendant raised the stakes asserting that it is not really he who is on trial, but rather the police and the prosecution, backed by the leftist media and his political opponents, who have all conspired to oust him, and not only him to oust his right-wing government and future right-wing governments for years.

The trial of a prime minister for corruption could never take place in a political vacuum, as some kind of sterile legal operation, and Netanyahus political-coup narrative has only heightened the national sensitivities surrounding it. Cutting a secret deal, hammered out by lawyers behind closed doors, without the disinfectant of sunlight that a trial provides, would allow that narrative to fester.

The moral turpitude designation is meant to be a logical consequence of a conviction for a serious crime, not a separate weapon in the prosecutorial armory

Indeed, Mandelblits widely reported insistence that the plea bargain include a clause in which Netanyahu admits to moral turpitude, meaning he would be barred from public office for seven years, reinforces the Netanyahu narrative. The moral turpitude designation is meant to be a logical consequence of a conviction for a serious crime, not a separate weapon in the prosecutorial armory. Reportedly demanding it as part of the deal, Mandelblit would essentially be doing precisely what Netanyahu has alleged he has been doing going beyond his legal remit, and directly seeking to ensure the extended ouster of a right-wing prime minister.

Intimating her support for a plea bargain earlier this week, former Supreme Court justice Edna Arbel noted that such deals are common in the Israeli system, and, when the sides can come to an agreement, important in saving time and resources, and boosting the efficiency of the courts.

But the case of the state versus Benjamin Netanyahu is no ordinary case, he is no ordinary defendant, and many of the ordinary considerations when a plea bargain is weighed have no place here.

Supporters of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu demonstrate outside the Jerusalem District Court before the start of his trial on graft charges, May 24, 2020. (Menahem Kahana/AFP)

Israel, so bitterly divided over Netanyahu, his virtues and alleged crimes, with its governance still overshadowed and hamstrung by this saga, requires justice to be done and to be seen to be done. For the sake of all directly involved, and for the watching nation, the evidence needs to be heard, the judges need to rule, and the public needs to be empowered and enabled to make sense of it all.

Israelis protest against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu outside his official residence in Jerusalem on July 30, 2020. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

The verdict, whenever it comes and whichever way it goes, will not be a healing moment. Far from it. But it does offer a potential foundation for eventual healing. A judicial process in full flow, terminated by a secretive deal that the defendant will argue was imposed upon him by his politicized prosecuting adversaries, does not.

A plea bargain would resolve the important, narrow legal case of the state versus Netanyahu. It would not settle the nationally fateful matter of Netanyahu versus the law enforcement institutions of the state.

** An earlier version of this Editors Note was sent out Wednesday in ToIs weekly update email to members of the Times of Israel Community. To receive these Editors Notes as theyre released, join the ToI Community here.

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Why Israels prosecutors would be wise to forgo a plea bargain with Netanyahu - The Times of Israel

WATCH: Israeli mocking ties with the Emirates shakes the Arab world – Haaretz

Posted By on January 20, 2022

Dubai, Dubai, a satirical song performed last weekend on an Israeli TV station by the Israeli comedienne Noam Shuster-Eliassi, has been reverberating through social networks in Arab countries, as well as the mainstream media outlets in the Arab world from Aljazeera to Al-Quds Al-Arabi.

The song, in which Shuster-Eliassi blasts normalization of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, appeared as part of a comedy sketch on the Arabic-language station Makan 33s Shu-Esmo program (in Arabic: Whatshisname).

It was written by the programs editor, Razi Najjar. The parody begins with the comedienne introducing herself as Haifa Wannabe, an allusion to the famous Arab singer Haifa Wehbe, and then goes on to say that shes going to sing an original song I wrote in Arabic in celebration of the peace treaty with Dubai, but in general its very important for me to send out a message of love and peace, particularly if it is found 4,000 kilometers away from here. Her words are a seeming criticism of Israels Arabic-language propaganda efforts which trickles messages of peace and love to Arabs in the faraway lands of the Persian Gulf, while ignoring the Israeli Arabs living within its borders.

The song includes lines in Arabic such as At the end of the tunnel there is light, and if only all of the Arabs, like those who are in Dubai who have money, would love the people of Israel and not throw us into the sea. There is nothing quite like Arabs who have millions, and who have forgotten the members of their people who underwent a Naqba, who have forgotten Palestine. In Dubai, they forgot the siege on Gaza, how nice would it be if only all the Arabs were from Dubai.

Criticisms of a similar nature have already been voiced by observers on the Palestinian side, but the song by the Israeli who is making fun of normalization with the Emirates, as she was labeled in the Aljazeera channel headline, has received widespread coverage and managed to put the issue of normalization between Israel and the Emirates onto the public agenda in the Arab media.

The Lebanese television channel Al Mayadeen describes Shuster-Eliassi as an Israeli who ridicules normalization with the Emirates, while the Al Quds news site describes her humorous song as no less than a new Israeli song that praises normalization with the Emirates and is sparking a storm among the Arabs.

Qatari media personality Jabber Al Harami quoted the song by Shuster-Eliassi on his Twitter account, and expressed support for the opinion it expressed. Dr. Othman Othman, a communications expert who lives in England, quoted the song on his Twitter page, adding: Shuster is a comedienne who has expressed her opinions at events in Sheikh Jarrah and has in the past tweeted I am an Israeli Jew and my heart is with Sheikh Jarrah and the residents of Gaza. The solution is the end of the cruel occupation, he wrote, referring to the plight of Palestinians living in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah who face eviction.

Along with those who understood the satire, Dr. Abed el Aziz al Husroogi al Ansari, a sociologist and television host in Qatar, related to the song in a video uploaded to his own YouTube page, in which he declared: The Israeli Zionist media constantly ridicules the Emirates, and you remain silent Israel is the big beneficiary of normalization, not you. This ridicule of the Emirates is a massive humiliation. Furthermore, he contended, the song is proof of the fact that Israel will never treat Arabs with respect.

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WATCH: Israeli mocking ties with the Emirates shakes the Arab world - Haaretz

End the draft? In Israel, some mourn what would be lost. – Yahoo News

Posted By on January 20, 2022

Adi Itin is a high school senior whose days are packed not just with schoolwork and babysitting, but assessments and tryouts for what position shell have in the Israeli army when shes drafted this summer.

Shes been tested for her readiness for pilot training (she didnt get accepted) and computer programming (shes waiting to hear back). But what shes hoping for most of all is to be selected as an instructor in a tank battalion.

Shes looking forward to the day her parents drop her off at a military draft base where she will be officially inducted, given an Israel Defense Forces identification number, outfitted with an olive-drab uniform and black leather boots, and bused to a base to begin her training.

I feel ready for this new phase of my life. I think its important to serve in the army both for my own personal growth and to contribute to my country, says Ms. Itin, 17, from Beit Herut, a village in central Israel next to the Mediterranean Sea.

Throughout Israels history, such attitudes toward military service as a national rite of passage connecting the individual to Israeli society as a whole have helped make the battle-tested IDF one of the worlds most effective fighting forces.

The mandatory military draft has long enjoyed consensus support for its core contribution to Israeli identity, with the IDF celebrated as a peoples army that breaks down social barriers, increases social mobility, and fosters a sense of a shared national burden. Most Jewish 18-year-olds are conscripted men and women, rich and poor, from every part of the country.

But in recent years theres been a significant shift in thinking among the public about whether or not the army needs to draft everyone or should become a smaller, volunteer, professional army, a transition that most Western countries have made.

Fueling that shift are a range of factors: a larger population to draw from to fill the militarys ranks; youth who are more individualistic and driven more by capitalist aspirations than a communal ideology; and a backlash against the very notion of a peoples army when 49% of the draft age cohort is exempted from serving.

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The bulk of those exempted are ultra-Orthodox Jews or Arab citizens. Many modern Orthodox young women have a waiver, performing civilian national service instead. Others seek exemptions, often citing mental health reasons.

Not serving was once highly stigmatized, but no longer.

A recent poll by the Israel Democracy Institute found that 47% of Jewish Israelis now think that the IDF should make that transition to a professional army.

This rising new public sentiment, tells us that the army is no longer the flag around which everyone is gathering, says Tamar Hermann, a senior research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute who conducted the survey.

Aside from recent bursts of fighting with vastly outgunned Palestinians in Gaza, and some broader earlier offensives in southern Lebanon, it has been almost 50 years since Israel fought a massive ground war against conventional armies on multiple fronts: the 1973 October War against both Syria and Egypt. The specter of mass call-ups of infantry and tanks rolling across borders to repel an existential threat appears less likely in an era in which the military is increasingly reliant on airpower and hi-tech and cyber warfare.

That, too, is changing the equation regarding individual sacrifice and the common good.

A system that temporarily denies young men and women their freedom, imposing forced labor on them to deal with an external threat that is seen to be gradually diminishing, and imposing this unequally, is a contradiction in a society where liberal civic values and neoliberal economics are growing stronger, Yagil Levy, an expert in military-civilian relations, wrote in the Haaretz newspaper.

Nevertheless, most experts in Israel have concluded it still cannot afford a volunteer force given its security threats, arguing that it needs both the manpower and the most capable among its recruits for key jobs in combat and intelligence. Without a draft, they warn, those with better options outside the military would choose not to serve.

Shifting attitudes toward identity are also in play.

Some see the pushback against the draft as Israelis feeling less attached to once-hallowed notions of the collective. The country was founded to grant safe refuge to the Jewish people, enabling a historic ingathering after 2,000 years of Diaspora life.

But in Israel today theres talk of the country breaking down along tribal lines dividing national religious, secular, Arab, and ultra-Orthodox populations. That makes it harder to articulate common security needs.

Part of that is the loss of trust in political leadership. The feeling that [security] decisions are being made on the basis of politics, says Ehud Eiran, a political science professor at Haifa University, who fears something fundamental will be lost if the draft is scrapped. He himself served in combat and intelligence roles, and values the experience.

Among those also wistful as they imagine an end to what has been a core principle of Israeli life is Noah Efron, host of The Promised Podcast about Israeli politics and society.

Theres something sad to me about this sense of commitment to the broader whole no longer being an axiom of society, says Dr. Efron.

His service in the infantry introduced him to a cross section of other Israelis, an experience that continued for two more decades of annual mandatory reserve duty.

Riding in a jeep patrolling the countrys borders, and sleeping outside next to people from backgrounds entirely different from his own, he says, entirely altered my understanding and experience of the country. I would be a very different person and citizen without that experience.

Dr. Efrons son, who recently completed his own army service and requested that his name not be used, was one of the few of his graduating class from a Tel Aviv high school to become a combat soldier.

Most of his counterparts sought out spots in noncombat roles. Most coveted of all: a place in the 8200, an elite intelligence unit known for its use of cyber skills. Its considered a training ground for high-tech jobs later.

Theres a tension within the IDF itself: Does it see itself exclusively as a fighting force defending its citizens, or a key institution serving Israeli society as a whole?

Those internal contradictions have only intensified. Lt. Gen. Aviv Kochavi, the IDFs chief of staff, harshly criticized a billboard sponsored by a company that runs cyber-skills competitions for young people that reads, The cream of the crop to cyber, an appropriation of an Air Force recruiting slogan.

The preference of some recruits to serve in cyber-intelligence roles over combat, he said, reflects a loss of values and weakens the foundations of society. Recalling threats Israel faces on various fronts, he said, the best are first of all the fighters, measured by their willingness to contribute to the country and sacrifice their lives to protect others.

At the Defense Ministry, plans for possible reforms are underway. The goal is both for a more efficient army and to create a situation that changes the current dynamic so that everyone in the post-high school cohort adheres to the ethos of serving the country.

As the population of ultra-Orthodox and Arab youth swells, theres a fear within the defense establishment that in approximately 15 years, when only 40% of 18-year-olds are expected to be drafted, there will be more reluctance to serve when so many visibly do not.

Getting to that stage, says a defense official on condition of anonymity, would be a security disaster. He also cited research that people who serve their country perform better in their lives later on and feel more connected to their country. We want to foster equality and strengthen the military, that is the vision.

Defense Minister Benny Gantz, a former IDF chief of staff, has already said he supports adopting a model whereby everyone is drafted, but then selected for either civilian or military service.

Pushback is expected, but the plan is that religious women would continue in nonmilitary national service and be joined by ultra-Orthodox and Arab youths, along with others of draft age deemed more suited to contributing via work with youth, in hospitals, or at community-run charities.

We want them to feel they are part of the Israeli story, the defense official says.

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End the draft? In Israel, some mourn what would be lost. - Yahoo News


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