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Oldest, first synagogue in Phoenix turns 100 years old – AZFamily

Posted By on October 2, 2021

PHOENIX (3TV/CBS 5) One hundred years ago this month, the oldest synagogue in the Phoenix area was built. It served over 120 Jewish people in the city starting in 1921, where the world was a much different place. Arizona was a young state at the time, only just becoming a state in 1912.

A hundred years ago this month, October 30, 1921, to be exact, is when a group of local Phoenix residents came together with the then Phoenix Mayor Willis Plunkett to lay the cornerstone for the first synagogue in the Phoenix area, Congregation Beth Israel, according to theArizona Jewish Historical Society.

"What's interesting about centennials, you know given the amount of time people are able to live, the people that were originally involved in an event in a centennial are most always never there when you celebrate the hundredth birthday they already passed," says AZJHS' Executive Director Larry Bell.

"A centennial is an opportunity to look backward in time and to kind of reflect on where we have been, where we come from, how we got here. But it's also an opportunity to look forward in time and say, 'okay, while we are looking back a hundred years and we think about what the world was like a hundred years ago?'" says Bell. "It's also an opportunity to ask yourself, what's the world going to look like in 100 years from now? You know? What steps can we do to make sure that historic resources like this building are still going to be here a hundred years from now? But also, what kind of society are we building? You know? How are things are going to change because people in general, when they think of time, tend to think in fairly small doses, so most people don't really think backward or forwards very far in time, and the centennials, I think, is an opportunity to take a longer view of time and sort of say, 'wow, look how much the world has changed and look at how much the world is the same from a hundred years ago and wonder what it will look like a hundred years from now."

This synagogue became the first synagogue in the Phoenix area that served the Jewish community of Phoenix then but also served as a home of worship for other ethnicities and religions over the years. It has a rich history that resembles the history of Phoenix diverse, pioneering, and complex.

It became a place of worship for Phoenix's Chinese-American community starting in 1951 until 1981, when it became a Spanish-speaking Baptist church until the AZJHS purchased it in 2001-2002. In 2008,AZJHS started to restore the synagogue and reopened their doors in 2010.

When it was built back in 1921, only 120 Jewish people were living in Phoenix. Today, according to AZJHS, there is over 82,000 with more than 30 congregations. That population came from a majority of transplants not only from around the country but around the world, including Holocaust survivors and their families who were looking to make a new place their home.

The first synagogue in Phoenix wasn't the first one in Arizona - it was the second. The first one was built in Tucson,Tempe Emanu-El. It was built in 1905, so just about sixteen years before the second one. "We are energetic pioneers of innovative Jewish life in Arizona."

1921 was post-World War I, as the war ended in 1918. Hitler rose to power in Germany as leader of the Nazi party pre-World War II and the Holocaust. It was before the Japanese Internment camps in the United States. It was right before the Great Depression that tore up the economy. And prohibition was happening all around the country as the 18th Amendment in the U.S. Constitution banned the "manufacturing, transporting, and sale of intoxicating liquors," according toHistory.com.

The Soviet Union didn't form for another year, as well as fascism. Also, 1921 happened to be the year Albert Einstein won a Nobel Peace Prize. Amelia Earhart learned how to fly. Warren G Harding became the 29th President. And insulin was discovered. Crazy enough, 1921 was three years after the last global pandemic.

"A lot of things were taking place in the world then that would determine how the twentieth century would go. Good things and bad things," says Bell. "Think about technology and how far we have gone since the twenties. Think about population growth. I think the City of Phoenix in 1920 had roughly 30,000 people. A lot has changed, and some things stayed the same, though. We were just done dealing with a pandemic in 1921, and we are dealing with one again."

AZJHS is an organization located at the first Phoenix synagogue in downtown Phoenix. They run theCutlerPlotkin Jewish Heritage Centeralong with the synagogue and church that runs as a museum and cultural center. They host a wide variety of events, including weddings, Bar/Bat Mitzvahs, fundraisers, meetings, and more. They have been working to keep together an archive of Jewish history, specifically in Arizona and the Southwest area.

We ourselves are kind of an art and culture organization also educational. We have a variety of programs and run exhibits all the time though COVID has disrupted that somewhat. But we run exhibits all the time on topics like history, Jewish history, art, culture. We have a monthly documentary film series, which is currently screened online, where we show documentaries about Jewish history and culture. We do book discussions, genealogy seminars; we have an archive where we preserve history from the local communities, says Bell.

Phoenix is one of the largest cities in the country not to have a Holocaust, genocide education center, and AJHS is working to change that. They have plans to extend their location to create a permanent exhibit so that Arizonans and tourists visiting can learn more about the Holocaust and other genocides. COVID-19 has put off a lot of things which makes it even more exciting to celebrate its 100th anniversary. It has contributed to more programs moving online that have been able to help reach more and more people.

We run a variety of Holocaust education activities. Currently, all are online. Seminars where we have the actual survivors of the Holocaust speak mostly to youth, but everybody is welcome to come. The programs are free. And they talk about their experiences of survival, have the children and grandchildren speak at times. And we also have a series of surviving humanity where we talk about other acts of oppression or genocide or persecution.

Gallery Centennial Exhibit called If These Walls Could Talk This exhibit will feature historic memorabilia, photos, and other pieces that feature four organizations who have been a part of the Cutler Plotkin Jewish Heritage Center. It will be open October 18 through March 31, Monday through Friday from 11 a.m. to 4 p.m. with a recommended $5 admission fee.

Centennial Heritage Gala This will be happening the evening of October 30 at the Scottsdale Plaza Resort in Scottsdale to honor Lawrence M Cutler who is a long-time AZJHS community leader. For more information or to register, click here.

Centennial Festival will take place on November 7 from 12 p.m. to 4 p.m. at the Heritage Center. Its free and open to the community to celebrate 100 years of the first synagogue in Phoenix. There will be food trucks, speakers, activities for the kids, and more. It will highlight all the backgrounds that have once made this synagogue their home.

To learn more about AZJHS, their events, and the work they are doing, click hereto see their website or here to visit their Facebook page. AZJHS and the first synagogue are located at 122 E Culver Street in Phoenix near the Burton Barr Phoenix Public Library.

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Oldest, first synagogue in Phoenix turns 100 years old - AZFamily

Hispanic Americans have served with distinction since nations founding – United States Army

Posted By on October 2, 2021

During National Hispanic Heritage Month, the Army and the nation take time to commemorate the many contributions made by Hispanic Americans who have shaped our national character and strengthened our communities.

Since the founding of this nation Hispanic Americans have proudly answered the call to duty in the U.S. armed forces and continue to do so today preserving a proud legacy. They have served gallantly in defense of our freedoms in every major American conflict. Included among those are 59 Hispanic American Soldiers who are recipients of the Medal of Honor, the nations highest medal for valor. Their stories are examples of immense bravery and heroism. Below are the stories of two Screaming Eagles.

The son of a laborer, Sgt. Santiago Jesus Erevia was born Dec. 15, 1946, in Nordheim, Texas. Although he excelled in math, his father persuaded him to drop out of school when he was a sophomore so he could go to work.

In 1968 at the age of 22, after finding himself working as a cook and facing a divorce. He enlisted in the Army seeing it as a way to further his education. He was assigned to C Company, 1st Battalion (Airmobile), 501st Infantry, 101st Airborne Division (Airmobile), in Vietnam as a radio operator.

From day one, we got shipped to Vietnam, said Erevia during a 2014 telephone interview with the Fort Campbell Courier. We landed up in, what is it, Saigon. There they called you out and told you what unit youre going to. I was glad [to go to] the 101st. They have a very memorable past, so it was an honor to serve with them.

Erevia went on to distinguish himself May 21, 1969.

After his platoon breached an insurgent perimeter during a search and clear mission near Tam Ky, Erevia began rendering aid to casualties as the rest of the platoon moved forward. While he was caring for the wounded, Erevia came under heavy enemy fire from four bunkers to his left front. While in full view of the enemy, he crawled among the wounded and collected ammunition. Without hesitation and armed with two M-16 rifles and hand grenades, he single-handedly cleared four enemy bunkers. Erevias heroic actions saved the lives of the wounded Soldiers in his care. For his actions he was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross.

In 2014, his award was upgraded to the Medal of Honor after the Army conducted a congressionally mandated review of minorities who were potentially passed over because of long-held prejudices. The analysis, directed in the 2002 National Defense Authorization Act, required the examination of the records of all Jewish American and Hispanic American Distinguished Service Cross recipients from World War II and the Korean and Vietnam wars for possible upgrades. Of the 6,505 records reviewed, 600 Soldiers were eligible for an award upgrade.

On March 18, 2014, Erevia received the Medal of Honor from President Barack Obama during a ceremony in the East Room of the White House.

After his service in Vietnam, Erevia joined the Texas National Guard where he served for 17 years and continued his service in the U.S. Postal Service until his retirement in 2002. He died March 22, 2016.

Construction of his namesake Erevia Park, Fort Campbells newest on-post housing community for junior enlisted Soldiers, begins spring 2022.

Corporal Joe R. Baldonados posthumous award also was upgraded. His brother, Charles, accepted the Medal of Honor on his brothers behalf at the March 18, 2014, White House ceremony.

Baldanado was born Aug. 28, 1930, in Colorado. He joined the Army as a light weapons infantryman (parachutist) during the Korean War. He served in B Company, 1st Battalion, 187th Airborne Infantry Regiment.

Baldanados platoon was attacked Nov. 25, 1950, while occupying Hill 171 near Kangdong, Korea. While manning a machine gun, Baldonado exposed himself purposefully to the enemy to go on the offensive and succeeded in pushing back the insurgent troops. During the final assault a grenade landed near Baldonados position, killing him instantly. His remains have never been found.

He was here at Fort Campbell as a member of the 187th Regiment, which was mobilized to go to Korea in 1950 and became the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team, John OBrien, installation historian, told the Fort Campbell Courier during a 2014 interview. So, it fought as a separate unit, like what we would call today a BCT.

Today the 187th Infantry Regiment is part of 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault).

His namesake, Baldonado Outdoor Pool on Screaming Eagle Boulevard is used for training Soldiers and is a popular spot where many Fort Campbell Families have enjoyed the summer months.

The Armys greatest asset is its people who provide a diverse mix of the worlds many cultures. It is important to take time to honor the rich heritage and contributions of those who have made this nation great.

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Hispanic Americans have served with distinction since nations founding - United States Army

UCI Podcast: Hctor Tobar on the diverse faces of Latino America – UCI News

Posted By on October 2, 2021

Latino people from all 50 states shape American culture and politics, but despite their diversity, they are too often viewed as belonging to a single category. That diversity appears across the U.S.: In New Mexico, where hispanos have deep connections to Spanish culture; in South Texas, where some Mexican-Americans express disdain for the country just a few miles south; in Miami, where cubanos differentiate themselves from Hispanics; and in New York City, where Puerto Rican immigrants have been linked with with the local Black community.

This Hispanic Heritage Month, Hctor Tobar, an associate professor of literary journalism and Chicano/Latino studies at UCI, joins the UCI Podcast to discuss the origins of the term Latino, the various Latinx cultures he encountered during a road trip across America for a story he published in Harpers Magazine, and how the lives of all Latinx people are influenced by U.S. imperialism.

In this episode:

Hctor Tobar, associate professor of literary journalism and Chicano/Latino studies

Home Country: What does it mean to be Latino? an article for Harpers Magazine written by Hctor Tobar

This author traveled across the country to ask: What does it mean to be Latino? a PBS News Hour segment about Hctor Tobars 9,000-mile road trip and magazine story

To get the latest episodes of the UCI Podcast delivered automatically, subscribe at:

Apple Podcasts Google Podcasts Stitcher Spotify

AARON ORLOWSKI, HOST

From California to New Mexico to South Texas to Little Havana to New York City, Latino people bring their unique perspectives to shape American politics and culture. But too often, Latino diversity has been poorly understood and Latinx people have been lumped into a single monolithic category.

How do Latino cultures across America differ from one another? And how have the lives of all Latinx people been influenced by U.S. imperialism?

From the University of California, Irvine, Im Aaron Orlowski. And youre listening to the UCI Podcast.

Today, Im speaking with Hctor Tobar, an associate professor of literary journalism and Chicano/Latino studies at UCI.

Professor Tobar, thank you for joining me today on the UCI Podcast.

HCTOR TOBAR

Thank you so much for having me.

ORLOWSKI

So November of last year, you set out on this epic 9,000-mile road trip across the United States, going from California to Oregon, to Texas, to Georgia, Florida, New York, and a couple of other states that I think I missed. And then you wrote this beautiful essay about it in Harpers Magazine. So why did you embark on this road trip?

TOBAR

Well, you know, I had been in discussions with Harpers about writing something about Latino people related to the election. And at first the plan was that Id go to Puerto Rico because you might remember that Puerto Rico was actually thinking of having a vote for statehood. And there was this talk of Puerto Rico becoming a state and adding two more senators. And of course when the election turned out to be very close and Biden barely squeaked by, all of that talk went out the window. So I proposed instead, look, its a pandemic. Flying is kind of difficult. How about if I just get in my car, drive cross country and visit all these Latino communities and try to make sense of what Latino identity is, if anything, right. And so thats what I did. I proposed this trip to visit the many, many different communities that call themselves either Latino or its synonym, you know, Mexican-American, Chicano, Hispanic, cubano. There are just so many different ethnic identifiers for people who are grouped into this category called Latino. So I figured I would take a trip across the country and visit as many different kinds of communities as I could.

ORLOWSKI

And were these places that you had been to before that you had visited for stories during your reporting career or any other reason?

TOBAR

Oh yeah, absolutely. Because Ive been writing about Latino issues for more than 30 years and also was once the LA Times Latino affairs correspondent, Ive traveled across the country to visit many Latino communities. Almost all the places were places that I had visited before, but many were people that I had never met. There were people that I just walked up to on a street corner in the middle of a winter day. There was an artist who I had met through a series of emails. It was this process of meeting new people across the country and it was very exciting.

ORLOWSKI

Well, and as you were meeting these people Im sure you were also reflecting a bit on your own personal history with the term Latino. What is that history? How have you embraced or identified with, or not, that term throughout your life?

TOBAR

The term Latino was not in widespread usage when I was growing up in California in the late 60s and 1970s. When I was growing up, I called myself Guatemalan-American because back then in the 70s using the hyphenated American, that was all the rage. And then you know when I got to college, there were all these Chicano students who were Mexican-American. I wasnt really Chicano, but I kind of identified with their struggle, with Chicano struggle. I ended up marrying a Chicana woman. But Latino at that same time started to spread. You know, Latino is really an invention of the 1980s. It begins because people are encountering one another from different nationalities. You know, when Salvadoran family moves in next to a Mexican family and then their kids end up having a relationship together, and then they all have to go to a wedding, you know, then thats where Latino is born. Its born from these encounters between peoples. And so, yeah, so Latino began to sort of gain currency in the mid to late 1980s.

ORLOWSKI

And as I think you note in the essay as well, the term Latino had some origins with Hispanic activists who were using it, as you described, kind of as a unifying term for immigrant groups. Can you tell us some more about that history?

TOBAR

Think of Chicago and New York City and other places in the 1970s primarily, when you have these two different waves of migration meeting. So in the Southwestern United States, Latino people are primarily Mexican-American and Central American, and on the East Coast, theyre Puerto Rican and Dominican and Cuban. And on the East Coast, the term Hispanic has always been sort of a dominant term. So when these two people meet in, lets say, Chicago, which happened in the 1970s, these Chicago activists decide, hey, were, were stronger if we have unity in numbers. And since were Puerto Rican and Mexican activists working together, you know, we could try calling ourselves Mexica-Ricans, which is a term that some people use. But instead lets, you know, since theres also some Peruvians and Colombians around here in the back of the room here meeting with us, lets call ourselves Latinos. And so the term Latino begins to be used by activists. At the same time the U.S. government is dealing with this conundrum of this new group of ethnics, who are, you know, active in labor rights and welfare rights. The U.S. Census decides in 1980 that theyre going to call them all Hispanics. So Hispanic and Latino start to spread sort of simultaneously across the country.

ORLOWSKI

And the terms are also in contrast to the dominant culture, the dominant white culture, as you note in the essay.

TOBAR

Yes, I think that you know, to me all the ethnic identifiers in the United States, the racial and ethnic, the main ones, Native American, Asian, Black, theyre all invented in response to white. You know, Latino is like Black and like Asian, its a term coined to describe something that a white person isnt, right. And in fact, in this piece and the book that Im writing, I try to understand the evolution of the term Latino in the context of the history of race ideas and race concepts and rates labels in the United States.

ORLOWSKI

Well, theres so many complex identities underneath this Latino umbrella. In a sense, the term doesnt fully capture those identities, and especially since its more of a European term. Can you tell us about how, you know, the term Latino doesnt necessarily acknowledge the Indigenous identities of Latino people?

TOBAR

I talk about that a little in my piece, because Latinos roots are in the idea of Latin America. And so Latin America is a concept that starts to sort of gain traction in Mexico and in South America, in the Caribbean, in the 19th century. And especially when the French decide that theyre going to invade Mexico and try to make it an extension of the French empire. And they tell the Mexicans, look, this isnt really an invasion because were your fellow Latin Americans. Were not like those Anglo Americans, because also at the same time the French are in this rivalry with the British, right, with the British empire. And so we say, look, were Latin. And so the term Latin America comes from that. Its an acknowledgement, or its an assertion, that these people living in Mesoamerica and South America have some sort of cultural connection to a Latin country, be it Spain or Italy or France or whatever, as opposed to the Anglo countries, right, or Germanic countries of Great Britain and Germany and whatever. And so that term, being a European term, erases the Afro and Indigenous roots of our family tree, because a Latino person is, you know, almost always has some roots in either Indigenous peoples of the Americas or in African peoples. And so that part of our identity, I think, is erased by this term Latino.

ORLOWSKI

Well, and the term Latino is even evolving today, and the term Latinx is gaining a lot of ground. What do you make of that transition and the growing popularity of Latinx?

TOBAR

The terms assigned to people of Latin American descent of Mexican descent have always been especially fluid and varied. And theyre always changing. You know, in California, there was a time when there was an ethnicity called californios. During the period of Mexican rule in California and at the tail end of the Spanish rule, this idea that there was this distinct ethnicity of people called californios. Tejanos is still sort of used in Texas. So theres always been this fluidity. Chicano was created as a term in the 1950s and 60s, and really, really gained currency in the 1970s as a kind of hip alternative to Mexican-American because Mexican-American sounds so assimilationist. So Chicano becomes this term of coolness, of radicalness. And to me, Latinx has its roots in that. Of course, it begins as this idea that were going to try to eliminate the gender modifiers in Spanish because they alienate people who are transgendered. And now its spread to this whole sense of just an opposite of Latino, of expressing sort of that diversity, that multiplicity. Unfortunately, its still only caught on to about 5 percent of the population because the other 95 percent of the people who would call themselves that choose to call themselves either Hispanic or Latino and not Latinx.

ORLOWSKI

Well, it seems like in recent years, people might be waking up to the fact that Latino is a large umbrella category, that there are a huge diversity of different types of identities underneath that category. Especially this was the case after the 2020 elections, when some political pundits were really astounded that the percentage of Latinos voting for Trump increased, especially in a few regions like South Florida and South Texas. And political commentators were saying there is no such thing as the Latino vote, which is a good point, but it seems like a little late. So do you think that this realization from the pundits is catching on? Are people starting to realize that Latino is not this monolithic category?

TOBAR

You know, yeah. Its like living next door to somebody. You know, you live next door to this family and theyre called Latino. And you know, you see them move in and you have some ideas about them. And then you see them doing all kinds of things that you dont expect them to do. You know, like one day one of the boys brings back home his white girlfriend, and another day they bring over their Black friends, or they turn up to have these Cuban friends. And then its like this, whoa, these people are more complicated than we ever could have imagined. And thats whats happening in this country, is that through a very slow process, not necessarily aided by the American media and film and television industries, people are through this process of everyday interaction realizing just how complicated Latino families are.

So theres that. And in terms of the 2020 election, you know, you have essentially a working class population that in some regions of the United States shared the same sort of concerns, anxieties, that white working class voters had because they live alongside white working class people. Specifically the guy interviewed in Idaho who couldnt even vote because hes not a U.S. citizen, hes a Mexican immigrant, but he told me he wouldve voted for Trump because hes afraid that Joe Bidens going to raise his taxes because hes internalized the Republican rhetoric that hes grown up with in his surroundings. And so theres a lot of people like that. The woman I met in South Texas, who had listened to so much Fox News, she decided she didnt even like going to Mexico anymore, you know even though Mexico is like three blocks away from her house. Right. She goes, I dont even, I dont even like it. The only thing good there is the avocados. I dont like chili. And I dont like cilantro either. And so theres, you know, theres, theres that going on. Theres this proximity to white working class people and this general anxiety that working class people have, because the larger story that Im telling is the failure of the Democratic Party to reach working class voters with a message that speaks to them in the same way that Trumps xenophobia spoke to a lot of people.

ORLOWSKI

Well, I want to hear a little bit more about some of the unique places that you visited during your travels. And the first one I want to start with is New Mexico, which historically was a region that was most integrated with the Spanish empire. So what did you encounter in New Mexico?

TOBAR

Well, yeah, New Mexico is one of my favorite places to visit in the United States because feels so old and because the natural world there feels, like youre stepping back in time. You know, Mexico is a place where the Spanish arrive in the 16th century, Spanish conquistadores, Spanish explorers. There are Basques and Gallegos, and other different Spanish ethnicities that send their migrants and their explorers to this region. And so that history is still very much alive there. You know, I interviewed a man in New Mexico whose grandfather has this surname Ulibarri, which is a Basque surname, and which is the name of a 16th century explorer who wandered through this area. And a lot of people in New Mexico have these very, very old family ties to the culture of Spain. In fact, there is a large community in New Mexico of Crypto-Jews, people who were forced to convert during the Spanish Inquisition and the period before the Spanish Inquisition, when the Jews were driven from Spain, 1492. So there are a lot of people who have this deep rooted history. And that history becomes a United States history during the war, the Mexican War in 1847, 1848, when suddenly U.S. troops marched down the Santa Fe Trail and occupy Santa Fe, New Mexico, and suddenly theyre part of the United States. Thats a much different story than the typical story of a Mexican immigrant, who arrived in the 1930s in the United States or in the 1990s in the United States. In those cases, someone has crossed a border, but in New Mexico, they can honestly say the border crossed us.

ORLOWSKI

Yeah, thats such an ancient history and such a profound history as well. So moving on, one of the next stops you made was in Starr County in Texas, which is about two hours south of Laredo. And its right near the border with Mexico. And its actually the county that made the largest swing towards Trump between 2016 and 2020. And you mentioned the woman who said that the only positive thing about Mexico was the avocados, but what else did you encounter in Starr County?

TOBAR

People in South Texas, the people Ive met over the years, many of them are commuters, and they drive long distances to work in the oil industry on the Gulf. Oftentimes theyll go for an entire week and go work somewhere on the Gulf Coast. And so the region really is very dependent on the oil industry. So youll remember that in one of the debates, Joe Biden put his foot in his mouth and basically suggested that he wanted to do away with petroleum extraction. He wanted to do away with the oil industry. Well, that didnt really sit very well in South Texas and lots of other places where people work in the oil industry. And I think that just cost him many, many votes.

Also, the Trump campaign did a lot of really intelligent things, including they did a food giveaway. I mean, South Texas is one of the poorest places in the United States. And the Trump administration, through the U.S. Department of Agriculture, sent these boxes of food. And just like the stimulus checks, each box had a letter signed by Donald Trump. And I talked to this one man who I met just walking through Rio Grande City, which is the county seat of Starr County. You know, I said, Why did so many people vote for Trump here? And he said, Porque mand comida. Because he sent food. This man, he didnt change his vote, but he said, Oh, you know, I imagine that lots of people did. So the combination of the sort of old machine politics, food giveaway, and Bidens comments on the oil industry, I think that was sort of the micro story in that part of the country.

ORLOWSKI

So one of the next stops you made was in Little Havana in Miami, which is an entirely different type of culture there. So what did you find in Little Havana?

TOBAR

I had a little encounter with somebody in Florida, a Cuban woman, who was very upset when I made the mistake of using the term Latinx. Yo no soy ningn Latinx, this lady tells me. And then I was in Little Havana itself, proper, this very working class community, really interesting, it reminds me a lot of the place where I grew up, which is East Hollywood in Los Angeles, a very mixed community. And I told this man, well, Im writing a story about Hispanic, immigrantes hispanos. Yo no soy ningn hispano. Yo soy un cubano, this guy tells me. Im Cuban, Im not Hispanic. And so there was that there was sort of this very strong identification with Cuba.

And I went to one of these travel agencies that specializes in helping Cuban people who live in the United States go visit their relatives. Because its a very involved process getting the visa, or if you want to send money or whatever. I met these three senior citizens and they were very, very anti-communist, but at the same time they told me they were anti-capitalist. They of course hated the Cuban government because it had oppressed members of their family and family members had been thrown in jail for saying things on a bus, for example, about the government. And they had been separated. You know, one family member managed to get out, but the other family member wasnt let out for 20 years. But at the same time, they had lived now for 20 years in the United States, and lived through a couple of recessions and been pretty shocked by what they had seen. I mean, its like all that sort of communist propaganda about a hard life in the United States and how cruel it is. Well, a little bit of it turned out to be true. You know, capitalist life really is cruel. People get laid off, they lose everything, theyre homeless, theyre on the streets.

And so I found that really interesting, you know, to meet this one woman in particular who had this critique of capitalism at the same time, she had a critique of Stalinism, but also who had been separated from her son for 20 years, just like the Mexican man who I had met in Georgia on my previous stop, whod been separated from his family for 20 years because hes undocumented and he cant go back without risking not being able to come back to the United States. And so that was to me, very, very eye opening to see two very different kinds of Latino peoples: my Mexican friend in Georgia and these cubanos in South Florida, both having these very common experiences of family separation.

ORLOWSKI

So even though they come from different countries in Latin America and have so many differences of other experiences, they still have this commonality in their family life.

TOBAR

Absolutely.

ORLOWSKI

Well, one of the final stops you made was in New York and the Latino culture that you encountered there was one that used the term Hispanic a lot more, and that culture was closely linked to the Black communities in the city. So what was different about New York compared to these other places youd visited earlier on?

TOBAR

Well, you know, I had been in many rural places, so to be back in New York City and to be in that hyper-urban environment that just really dense community that I went to, which is El Barrio, Spanish, Harlem. And the history in Spanish Harlem is absolutely amazing, just all the layers of immigration and migration. You know, I interviewed this one man who was half Puerto Rican, half Italian, grew up with Jewish people, now had neighbors who were Mexican, and also white because the neighborhood is being gentrified. So he had seen all of this coming and going, but as you said, I mean, I think that in the New York City politics that sort of dominates the scene now, there is a very, very strong alliance between the Puerto Rican activists, Puerto Rican community, and the African American community, because theyve been allies on issues like public housing and employment for 50 years.

And beyond that, theres also the fact that to be Puerto Rican means that you more than likely have a very powerful connection to Black culture from the island. So this Puerto Rican experience is one of this cultural mixing with, with African-ness, right? Its always been that going back to the island. And then when people move to places like Spanish Harlem, or the Bronx, theyre even more thrown in again with Black people. And so theres a very strong identification and it informs the politics. Thats why those places are among some of the most Democratic, the most loyally Democratic places that you find in the United States. The precinct that I visited I think voted something like 80 percent for Joe Biden.

ORLOWSKI

So towards the end of the essay as youre reflecting on this trip, you write something that I want to quote. So you say, I could see that what binds Latinos together is that we have all been shaped by empire. We are brown, Black, white, Indigenous, European, and African; some of us speak Spanish and some of us dont. But all of us have roots in the upheavals set in motion by American imperialism. So how has this American imperialism shaped, or maybe even unified, these various Latino cultures?

TOBAR

Well, yeah, for starters, I think its important to recognize how much of the creation of this Latino community is tied to events of political violence, of inequality. Ive been sitting here at my desk in the outskirts of downtown Los Angeles and all day, Ive been listening to these workers outside who have been taking apart one my neighbors rooms of his house and theyre rebuilding it. And Ive been listening to talking all day in these Central American accents. And so Los Angeles is a city now thats being built and rebuilt and taken apart and put back together again by Central American immigrants. And a Central American immigrant is someone who has more than likely had a war in his recent life. The horrible civil wars, the death squads, the popular revolutions of peasants, of students taking up arms, thats part of their history. And that history is shaped by U.S. imperialism. The United States sent weapons to back the Salvadoran junta. It sent napalm to the Guatemalan army, which dropped on Indian villages. There are two men right now who have been working in my house, who are speaking in Mam, which is a Mayan-Guatemalan language.

You know, here in the United States, we have our lives, our comfort is connected to these stories of empire, of the United States exerting its power. And so thats, I think, the one thing that we have in common, all these different peoples. Obviously Puerto Rico is still a U.S. colony. Mexico, theres that great saying in Mexico, Poor Mexico. So far from God and so close to the United States. Thats what they say in Mexico about Mexican history. And so all of these places have this relationship to this powerful country and its market for Latin American goods and for Latin American labor and for Latin American know-how. Its the savvy, the kindness, the generosity of Guatemalan women that is raising generations of children across California and the United States. And those women are forced to leave their families, forced to leave the situation a place where they learned how to be mothers, they learned how to be granddaughters, they learned how to be members of an extended family. They cultivated all of this wisdom about raising children, and theyre forced to leave their families and come to the United States and raise other peoples families. Thats a story about empire. And thats one of the defining that is the central defining thing to me, of the Latino or Latin X experience.

ORLOWSKI

Professor Tobar, thank you so much for joining me today on the UCI Podcast.

TOBAR

Thank you so much for having me.

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UCI Podcast: Hctor Tobar on the diverse faces of Latino America - UCI News

The Democratic Party has become the home of Jew hatred – Washington Times

Posted By on October 2, 2021

ANALYSIS/OPINION:

In Genesis 12:3 the Lord tells Abraham, I will bless those who bless Israel, and I will curse those who curse Israel. It appears that the Democratic Party is trying to get itself cursed.

Last week we learned that pressure from Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Alexandra Ocazio-Cortez, and other members of the Squad resulted in the removal of $1 billion in funding for Israels Iron Dome missile system from the budget bill.

This move cemented what we already knew from the Obama era that the Democratic Party has become the official home of the cursed Jew-haters.

Christians United for Israel, a Christian Zionist group that supports the US-Israel relationship and passionately carries out Gods commandment in Genesis 12:3, put it this way: The simplest explanation is the accurate one there are fringe members of Congress who despise Israels existence, and today, their partys Congressional leadership buckled to their blatant, vile hatred.The Iron Dome system is an extremely sophisticated, and unfortunately expensive, missile defense system Israel uses to shoot down rockets fired from Palestinians and aimed at innocent women, children and families. The Iron Dome is a purely defensive weapons system. Its what protects innocent people from the thousands of rockets fired at them every year. It protects Jewish, Christian and Muslim homes alike, and simply put, it saves lives.By the end of this years May Gaza conflict, over 4,000 rockets were fired at innocent civilians, with 1,500 of them aimed towards populated areas. Of those 1,500 rockets, 1,428 were intercepted by the Iron Dome. Overall, the Iron Dome system is said to have between an 85 and 90 percent success rate in striking down incoming terrorist missiles.The United States is, and always has been, a key supporter of the Iron Dome, and without United States financial support its unlikely the system would function as well as it does. The Iron Dome batteries reportedly cost over $50 million each, and every interceptor rocket fired costs between $20,000 and $100,000.Recognizing not only Israels strategic importance as Americas strongest ally in the Middle East, but also the simple moral imperative of insuring innocent Israeli civilians are protected from being murdered by terrorists, President Trump was a strong and unwavering supporter of Iron Dome funding.Its not even thinkable whats happened to Israel in Congress, said President Trump during an interview on the Real Americas Voice network last week. Theyre anti-Israel, he said. And they hate Jewish people.Hes right. The members of the Squad show absolutely no interest in saving innocent lives as long as those lives are predominantly Jewish, nor do they apparently even place value on those lives. By forcing Democratic leadership to strip funding for the Iron Dome system from the budget, the Squads message was clear: Jews deserve to die.

One would think that given its previous promises of commitment to Israel, the Biden administration would have done something to distance itself from the Squads sickening anti-Semitism. But no. Instead, this week Vice President Kamala Harris praised a student who accused Israel of ethnic genocide for speaking her truth.

The Democratic Party is now the official home for the Jew-haters and as promised by God in Genesis 12:3, those Jew-haters and their enablers will be cursed.

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The Democratic Party has become the home of Jew hatred - Washington Times

Last Jew out of Afghanistan warns Israel: Dont rely on the United States – The Times of Israel

Posted By on October 2, 2021

Zebulon Simantov, Afghanistans last Jew, who fled the Talibans rule earlier this month, warned Israel that it cant rely on the United States, as he gave his first interview to Israeli media since his escape.

Simantov, 62, who left Afghanistan by trekking across the border to a neighboring country, told the Kan public broadcaster on Tuesday that hed had no option but to leave once the Taliban had taken over. He spoke to the station via an interpreter and the report did not reveal which country he was currently in.

I was in danger every day, he said. I protected the synagogue for years and now I had no choice.

Simantov panned the US for its chaotic withdrawal in August after a 20-year presence in Afghanistan that ousted the Taliban and aimed at building a democracy. As the Taliban surged back to power, the US swiftly pulled its forces out, leaving behind thousands of foreigners and Afghan allies who scrambled to escape the Taliban and their hardline Islamic ideology.

I say to Israel, dont rely on the United States, Simantov said. The United States and the international community brought bloodshed to Afghanistan. They didnt bring peace and left the citizens in this situation.

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Despite his criticism, Simantov said he intends to move to the US, though the process was being held up by bureaucracy and difficulty in obtaining the necessary paperwork.

Businessman Moti Kahana, who assisted in getting Simantov out of Afghanistan, told Kan that Israeli officials were trying to help but it is not moving fast enough.

Simantov also wants to visit Israel, he said, to see friends.

I am very eager to travel to Israel and see lots of people there, he told Kan.

And he still holds out hope of going home again.

If there is peace, of course, I will go back to Afghanistan, he said.

Simantov was confident that a synagogue in Kabul, which he looked after for years even though he was the only Jew left, is secure, being guarded, and the Taliban will not destroy it.

Since leaving Afghanistan, Simantov has granted his wife a divorce after refusing for more than 20 years.

He reportedly had in the past refused to leave Afghanistan and travel to Israel in order to avoid dealing with his divorce and with rabbinic authorities, who sanction those who do not grant a Jewish divorce.

Simantov told Kan he was pleased that he had granted the divorce, saying his wife had in the past been indecisive about staying in Afghanistan, until she eventually left in 1995.

Beyond that, I have nothing to say, he said.

Under Jewish law, a get, or rabbinic bill of divorce, is required for women to be able to remarry. Women whose husbands refuse to give a get are known as agunot, or chained women, and their plight is seen as a major point of gender inequality in Orthodox Judaism.

The get process was granted remotely via a video call by the Sydney Beth Din, headed by Rabbi Yehoram Ulman, the Makor Rishon weekly reported on Sunday. They then transmitted his agreement to the rabbinate in Israel, where his wife lives after moving there with the couples daughters in 1998.

Kahana had been pushing for Simantov to give the divorce since his perilous escape from Afghanistan earlier this month.

It was not clear when the divorce proceedings took place, but last Wednesday, Kahana tweeted that he had gotten Simantov to sign the relevant documents, without a rabbi being present.

After the United States complete withdrawal from Afghanistan at the end of August, Simantov crossed the border to a neighboring country in September.

The operation was funded by Moshe Margaretten, an American ultra-Orthodox fixer whose passion is bringing Jews out of danger.

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Last Jew out of Afghanistan warns Israel: Dont rely on the United States - The Times of Israel

A Boston Jewish leader earns high praise amid lawsuits and allegations of a ‘toxic culture’ – Forward

Posted By on October 2, 2021

Rabbi Marc Baker, the newish head of Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston, seemed to be everywhere this summer.

At a vigil in Bostons Brighton neighborhood, denouncing the stabbing of a Chabad rabbi. At a media event for the New England Holocaust Memorial, with the governor of Massachusetts and mayor of Boston. At a downtown rally in support of Israel. And, back on Passover, a YouTube video from his home thanking health-care workers.

Three years ago, when Baker was named to the most important Jewish job in Boston, he was relatively unknown, except for among a small circle of families whose kids attended the nearly $50,000-a-year day school he ran. Now, as president and chief executive officer of CJP, Bostons Federation, he is running the states largest nonprofit organization outside of universities and hospitals, a powerful 126-year-old institution that makes hundreds of grants to local charities and programs.

Baker, 43, had never worked in the federation system, or in philanthropy, before arriving at CJP, where he was paid more than $600,000 in 2019, according to federal tax records.

And he was stepping into the shoes of the venerable Barry Shrage, a Boston icon and nationally known leader who headed CJP for three decades, doubling its annual budget and raising more than $1 billion overall.

In short order, Baker shook things up, restructuring departments, eliminating some high-level jobs and moving new people into leadership. He said he was positioning CJP for the 21st century, and promised it would care for the most vulnerable, including Jews with disabilities and in financial need, and welcome everyone with loving compassion.

But there has been turbulence along the route, and fundraising for CJPs annual campaign is down from the Shrage era, according to the organizations audited financial statements. These statements show campaign pledge revenue was $56,426,000 in fiscal year 2020, down from an average of $61,494,500 in the last full four years of Shrages tenure.

Asked about this, a CJP spokesperson said revenue grew to $61.6 million in fiscal year 2021, though that figure has not yet been audited.

Baker is hailed by many local Jewish leaders notably peers, donors, and grantees as a charismatic, strong and able leader with self-confidence, creativity and energy.

In a partisan world, Marc is a voice of moral clarity thats needed, said Joanna Jacobson, who was on the search committee that hired him and is president of Bostons One8 Foundation.

At the same time, current and former employees say he has created a toxic work environment; and two filed discrimination lawsuits earlier this year that were quickly settled.

A third employee, Rabbi Andy Kastner, retained a lawyer in August, the Forward has learned, to pursue an employment-related claim after CJP allegedly reneged on a promise to allow him to temporarily work remotely from his West Coast home before relocating to Boston. Kastner was due to move to Massachusetts this fall and had already sold his home when he got the news he was fired.

A CJP spokesperson confirmed that his last day was Sept. 17 and, asked about the possible legal action, said: There was no dispute. He did not respond to further questions.

Several former employees interviewed over the last few months described Bakers management style as aggressive, vindictive and unscrupulous, saying he purged employees who challenged him. Similar complaints have been voiced by people who felt they were unfairly terminated by Baker at the day school he ran for 11 years, Gann Academy in Waltham.

It is about a toxic pattern of behavior with a lot of cruelty and harassment that has been overlooked by the lay leaders, said a former CJP employee who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation. Ive worked in many Jewish nonprofit workplaces and have never seen such a cruel and vengeful man put in charge.

The assessments are hard to reconcile, and may reflect the size and complexity of CJP, and the inevitable challenges of making change in any large workplace especially at a moment when workplace norms are in flux.

Marc Baker went in and made changes. And when you make changes, people are unhappy, said Jay Sanderson, chief executive of the Jewish Federation of Greater Los Angeles and a mentor of Bakers. As for the lawsuits, Sanderson said: We are in a world now where that is where you go.

It is also a world where many Jewish organizations are rethinking what leadership looks like and how to handle interpersonal relations, catalyzed in part by the #MeToo movement.

There has definitely been a rise in awareness and response to the realities of toxic-abuse workplace culture in Jewish organizations, said Nicole Nevarez, executive director of Taamod, a national organization addressing inequity and harm in Jewish workplaces. If we want our Jewish organizations to be places of innovation and belonging and connecting, and therefore sustain the Jewish people, they need to be places of safety and equity and accountability.

Courtesy of Twitter (@/CJPBoston)

Rabbi Baker interacting with families at Parents at the Center, a community center for struggling families in Haifa, Israel, Bostons sister city.

Even so, speaking out can be risky in Bostons circumscribed world of Jewish philanthropy, where CJP has vast reach and influence. Several of Bakers critics agreed to discuss Baker only on the condition they not be named for fear of losing their jobs or of jeopardizing their spouses jobs. Some talked through tears.

I really dont want to expose weakness in the Jewish community, said one former employee. We believe in our community. But we have to live out our Jewish values. And we want to be part of the solution.

When Shrage stepped down in 2018, CJP the oldest federated Jewish philanthropy in the country - was the epicenter of Bostons Jewish community, a fundraising machine that punched far above its weight in a city with the nations sixth-largest Jewish population. It has an endowment of $242 million and an annual budget of nearly $65 million. According to federal tax records, in 2019 CJP also oversaw $1.4 billion in donor-advised fund assets, a type of investment account for supporting charitable organizations. A CJP spokesperson said its donor-advised fund has grown by $300 million in 2021.

Robert Kraft, the owner of the New England Patriots whose late wife, Myra, had chaired CJPs board had donated $10 million to renovate the organizations High Street headquarters, which was dedicated in 2018. CJP awarded countless grants to a host of causes and was a major player in civic life. Long before other Jewish funders, Shrage helped break ideological ground, supporting groups long left out of the Jewish mainstream, including gays, lesbians and interfaith couples.

Image by CJP Website

Robert Kraft, his sons Jonathan and Dan and daughter-in-law Wendy, alongside former CJP head Barry Shrage at the opening of the Kraft Family Building, the headquarters of the CJP, in April 2018.

Bakers background is very different from his predecessors. Shrage, trained as a social worker, described himself in a video as a schlepper from the Bronx whose first accomplishment at CJP, he said in self-deprecation, was to take the fundraising campaign from $25 million to $19 million.

Baker is a native of Lynnfield, Mass., a prosperous North Shore suburb, and attended Phillips Academy Andover, a prestigious prep school, then Yale, where he was the first Jewish captain of the squash team. He spent four years in Israel, where he was ordained as an Orthodox rabbi, and was just 31 in 2007 when he became head of school at Gann, Greater Bostons Independent Jewish high school, which was founded in 1997.

A dozen years later, Baker was the surprise pick of an 11-member search committee that included a woman who had been vice president of the Gann board of trustees, and a man whose wife was a Gann board member at the time. Both at the time were parents of Gann students or alumni.

I was struck by how wise and thoughtful he was, said Jacobson, who was also on the committee. He could articulate very personally what the Jewish community needed in the future and asked incredibly incisive questions. And he was equally willing to listen.

Jonathan Sarna, a Brandeis professor of Jewish history who has worked closely with CJP, said Baker has navigated the jobs challenges well during a time of political polarization in a diversifying Jewish community.

I think this is one of those moments when it will be very important to try to bring people together, said Sarna. There is nobody better than Marc. Hes Orthodox, but he is liberal. He went to a private swanky prep school so he knows how to talk to preppies. He can talk the Orthodox talk and learn a page of Talmud with them, and at the same time he can interact with secular Jews.

Eric Fingerhut, president and chief executive officer of The Jewish Federations of North America, praised Baker for having such self-confidence, such creativity, such energy.

Baker started at CJP with an eight-month, 36-stop listening tour of Jewish communities and organizations. He told the Forward in May that he wanted to see the community through new eyes, and that he got feedback from more than 1,700 participants in the tour events about Jewish life in Greater Boston.

Within two days of when much of Massachusetts went on lockdown - March 13 - CJP launched an emergency COVID relief fund. It raised nearly $11 million for local individuals, schools and synagogues as well as Jewish communities in Ukraine, Argentina, and Israel.

Marc is an amazing listener and responsive to the changing times, said Amy Schectman, chief executive officer of 2Life Communities, which provides affordable housing for older adults. When COVID hit, CJP just called and said, What do you need? and then came back with a slug of money and support.

I remember actually crying on the phone, she added. Id felt so alone at that point with the challenges of COVID.

Courtesy of Twitter (@/CJPBoston)

Rabbi Baker holding a baby at the CJP-funded Parents at the Center, a community center for struggling families in Haifa, Israel, Bostons sister city.

Baker launched a new program for Jewish art and artists, awarding $100,000 to support 11 initiatives including public art installations, documentary film, poetry and dance, and establishing a new director of arts and culture, making Bostons one of the only federations to have one.

Laura Mandel, executive director of the Jewish Arts Collaborative, said it was the first time the organized Jewish community has reached out to artists, and called Baker a wonderful, smart, savvy guy.

CJP has also started a new mental health initiative committing $1.6 million annually for three years that includes free online treatment for stress and depression, in partnership with McLean Hospital and Jewish Family & Childrens Service.

And Baker is encouraging investment in new digital capabilities, which became a lifeline during the pandemic, enabling synagogues to hold virtual services.

Baker is a natural orator who is both learned and affable, interspersing his thoughts about CJP and Judaism with bits of soaring rhetoric. In the May interview, he described his leadership style as data-driven and strategic but said the work is ultimately about people, trying to create meaningful lives and Jewish lives.

Inside the Kraft Family Building, Bakers first few years have also been marked by questions about how money is being spent, low morale, rapid turnover, accusations of a toxic workplace and lawsuits.

In June 2020, CJP announced it was laying off 25 employees, part of a wave of similar pandemic-related layoffs at federations nationally. Some questioned the financial justification, given that the organization had in April been approved to receive $2.8 million from the U.S. Small Business Administration.

A CJP spokesperson said the executive team, including Baker, took voluntary pay cuts of 3% to 12% in May 2020. An insider who spoke on the condition of anonymity said the salaries of the executive team were restored by fall and two members even got raises angering other employees.

That money was meant to sustain people at their jobs, one former employee said of the SBA funds. It was disgusting.

Asked twice by email about whether and when the executive salaries were restored, the CJP spokesperson said, this has no connection to the loan, adding that the SBA money enabled CJP to defer the staff reductions for eight weeks, consistent with the intent of the program.

Others who worked at CJP described an office atmosphere that turned sour after leadership changed. There was an intense fear of being pushed out, said one ex-staffer, who complained that Bakers cronies replaced some longtime managers.

Marc played favorites, said another, again speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of retribution. People felt if you werent on the right team, you werent safe.

Baker was the head of school at Gann Academy in Waltham, MA for 11 years before becoming the head of CJP of Greater Boston.

Employees said they felt pressure to respond to emails at all hours, including weekends. Baker would request a report or something at 4 oclock on Fridays, one former staff member said. He is known to attack before Shabbat.

One person said that eight current and former colleagues had shared stories with him about being bullied or harassed by managers, including Sarah Abramson, whom Baker promoted to senior vice president in February, 2019. These employees said they felt targeted either because they were associated with Shrage and deemed no longer useful, or because they had been vocal and pushed back against changes Baker was making. Two said they were having suicidal thoughts because of how they were being treated.

In addition to the 25 people laid off in 2020, at least 13 people in senior leadership positions have departed CJP since Baker took over. Some top-level executives were encouraged to retire or take other positions in the Jewish community. Others left of their own accord, or were given notice they would be replaced or their jobs eliminated.

None of the six former vice presidents or the departed chief operating officer responded to queries from the Forward as to why they left.

The CJP spokesperson said turnover has been steady and comparable to the years before Baker started, and provided numbers showing the percentage of the staff that departed, voluntarily and not, since 2017. But he said his records did not specify levels of seniority.

One of the people who sued CJP in January is Zachary Kogan, an Orthodox Jew who worked at the organization from 2016 to early 2021 managing partnerships with other groups. The complaint, filed in Massachusetts Superior Court, accused CJP and its vice president of partnerships and services, Kimberlee Schumacher, of demoting Kogan and retaliating against him after he requested paternity leave before the birth of his second child. The case was settled in March.

The second lawsuit was filed by Matthew Lebovic, who worked at CJP for 13 years and named Baker; Abramson, the senior vice president for strategy and impact; and Rachael Weisz, chief people officer.

Lebovic oversaw several initiatives, including campus programs and trips for young adults to Israel and to Holocaust sites in Europe. He said that he was demoted after disclosing a mental-health condition, despite years of excellent performance reviews, and was ultimately terminated after complaining about Baker to human resources. The stated reason for his firing was him sharing his password, which Lebovic said in an interview was a common practice at CJP. Lebovic said in an interview with the Forward prior to his case being settled.

Image by Screenshot/Twitter

A CJP delegation visits the Joint Distribution Committee in a July 2021 trip.

That case was also settled in May. The court document references an apologetic email Abramson sent her staff on Sept. 29, 2020, with the subject line Yom Kippur reflections. (The email was included in a separate complaint filed with the Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination.)

One of the things that I had hoped would be a hallmark of my leadership of this team was a sense of comradery [sic], a sense of shared ownership and just some plain old fun and team building, the email reads. COVID has made that immeasurably harder, but I feel I have entirely dropped the ball in ways that are really weighing on me.

In court records and an interview, Lebovic said that his CJP experience shifted after a meeting Abramson led in the fall of 2020 to discuss Bakers mental health initiative, in which Lebovic referenced his own experience. He added that he later met with Weisz, the chief people officer, telling her about a disturbing phone call hed had with Abramson, that other colleagues had experienced unprofessional and cruel treatment from some managers, and that Baker was aware of it.

I was fired because I blew the whistle on Marc, who was harboring abusive managers, he said. He was not a bystander.

Asked about the Kogan case in January, the CJP emailed a statement calling the claims absolutely baseless and without merit and said the organization is committed to upholding all laws governing religious discrimination, religious accommodation and parental leave and would not tolerate any violation of these important principles.

The suggestion that we would discriminate against an Orthodox member of our community is preposterous, the statement went on. Our managers, who are widely respected community leaders with impeccable integrity, have our full support. We are confident, after thoroughly investigating these claims, that our managers acted properly, followed the laws and consistently applied our CJP policies.

On the Lebovic case, CJPs board chair, Shira Goodman who had previously served as vice president of Gann Academy called the allegations a meritless attempt to defame our organization by the former employee, who was terminated for violating clear policies in our handbook. She added: CJP is committed to upholding all laws prohibiting discrimination or retaliation.

Asked about the lawsuits in May, Baker told the Forward they were resolved to the satisfaction of all parties. The amount of the settlement is confidential.

Complaints about Bakers leadership predate his tenure at CJP. The Forward spoke with four former employees of Gann Academy, two of whom called the atmosphere at the school toxic and three of whom said they observed or experienced a culture of favoritism and retaliation. They recalled women being called emotional and told to tone down their intensity and people being reprimanded by Baker for disagreeing with him.

Baker declined in the May interview to discuss the lawsuits or the complaints from his days at Gann. I would say Im really proud of the culture weve created at CJP, he said.

For me, relationships are everything, and change is hard and leadership is hard, he said. You have to make hard decisions and I try my best to make every decision with integrity and with transparency and with compassion.

A Boston Jewish leader earns high praise amid lawsuits and allegations of a toxic culture

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A Boston Jewish leader earns high praise amid lawsuits and allegations of a 'toxic culture' - Forward

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: Left’s Jew hating goes unchecked – Washington Times

Posted By on October 2, 2021

ANALYSIS/OPINION:

Our polity is in turmoil, with little patience on either the red or blue side for amicable discussion of differences (The Squad loves dead Jews: Support for Hamas implies nothing less, Web, Sept. 28). Misinformation is rife and celebrated when even mature voices defer to the clarion call of a partisan victory. Present-day politics has dumbed down our discourse, often leaving a foul residue of ancient prejudice front and center for a new generation of American voters ignorant of history. They wallow in the mephitic milieu, echoing legislators and academicians of like mind.

At this point in our ongoing evolution, an important progressive segment of the Democratic Party is giving loud voice to haters of Israel and, as we have witnessed here at home, all Jews. As anti-Semitism shades the Democratic Party, adults in the big tent have the responsibility and obligation to stem burgeoning bias.

PAUL BLOUSTEIN

Cincinnati

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LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: Left's Jew hating goes unchecked - Washington Times

The secret Jewish history of The Sopranos The Forward – Forward

Posted By on October 2, 2021

The landmark TV series The Sopranos, whose six-season run came to an end in 2007, is getting a brief resurrection with The Many Saints of Newark, a prequel that begins airing in theaters and on HBO Max this Friday, Oct. 1. While the original series played out over the course of 86 hourlong episodes, The Sopranos creator David Chase has chosen to distill Tony Sopranos origin story into a two-hour film starring Michael Gandolfini as the young Anthony Tony Soprano, originally played by his late father, James Gandolfini, who died in 2013.

While everyone knows that The Sopranos was a rich portrayal of the personal and business conflicts facing a latter-day, all-Italian gang of New Jersey mobsters (played with only a few exceptions by Italian-American actors, several of whom had previous, real life experience on the wrong side of the law), one of the shows strengths really a breakthrough in TV drama was how sensitively it dealt with the greater world surrounding the insular world of Italian north Jersey, by including characters from a melting pot of other backgrounds, including Blacks, native Americans, Eastern European immigrants and Arab-Americans. But the world of The Sopranos had a particularly strong course of Jewish characters flowing through it, who were often portrayed by Jewish actors.

This was not new to The Sopranos The Godfather movies, for example, boasted the character of Hyman Roth, based on the real-life Jewish gangster Meyer Lansky, portrayed by Lee Strasberg. But looking back on The Sopranos, one might be surprised to rediscover the depth and breadth of Jewish characters and their stories, which often served as thematic parallels or contrasts to the main plot line of how a segment of very tradition-oriented late-20th-century Italian-Americans dealt with the challenges brought about by a world changing with dizzying speed all around them.

The very first episode of The Sopranos introduced the character of Herman Hesh Rabkin (played by Jerry Adler), a loan shark who first made his fortune in the 1950s and 60s with an independent record label focused on young Black artists. As was sometimes the case with small-label honchos in real life, Hesh would add his name as a co-writer to many tunes, guaranteeing himself a steady stream of publishing royalties. As a Jew, Hesh could never be a made man or an official member of a family or crew, but he did serve as an adviser (and unofficial banker) to Tony Sopranos late father, Johnny Soprano, and then to Tony after his fathers death.

We first meet Hesh when Tonys right-hand man, Silvio Dante played with unique exuberance by Steven Van Zandt, better known to all as Little Steven (or Miami Steve, if you are of a certain vintage), longtime guitarist and foil for Bruce Springsteen in the E Street Band engineers a sit-down between an Orthodox Jewish friend, Shlomo Teittleman and Tony Soprano, to see if the latter can help Teittleman with a messy family and business squabble involving his son-in-law. By virtue of his religion, Hesh is invited to the meeting and observes on the periphery. After Tony agrees to help Teittleman but not before Teittlemans son, who is also at the table, warns his father, Youre creating a Golem, a monster to do your dirty work. Like the rabbi in the story, hell destroy you Hesh takes Tony aside and warns him against getting involved with the Hasidim, here cast as a mirror image to that of Tonys world.

The resulting scenes between Tonys henchmen and the errant son-in-law, Ariel, are played somewhat for comedy after Paulie Walnuts Gualtieri begins to rough him up, Silvio tells Paulie, Bupkis. Say bupkis, Paulie. Thats how they say nothing. As the stakes get higher, the violence increases, but Ariel is no pushover, describing himself as a one-man Masada as he seems almost superhumanly immune to taking a beating. Not until Tony Soprano follows Heshs suggestion that they threaten Ariel with a bolt-cutter to Make like a mohel, huh? Finish the bris does Ariel begin to relent, along the way having won the admiration and respect of the gangsters, who even suggest he might come work for them, given the toughness he showed by not backing down.

This all happens in the course of the first three episodes of the first season. And in subsequent episodes, we hear Yiddishisms fall lightly from the mouths of the Italians even when the immediate situation does not involve Hesh or other Jews. They are fluent enough with criminal lingo to toss off shnorrers and gonifs as easily as meatballs and spaghetti.

The casual antisemitism of the non-Jewish characters lends a certain verisimilitude to the series. When Tony concludes a particularly tough negotiation with Hesh over a financial deal, he cannot help but make a crack about dealing with desert people right to his face. Hesh responds with a hearty, good-natured laugh, going along with the insult disguised as a joke, because he probably learned long ago this was the only way to do business in that world. Regarding the business with the Teittlemans, Paulie says at one point, Hasidim, but I dont believe em!

In no small way, The Sopranos is about a mob boss who is so stressed out he seeks psychological counseling. The very first scene in the entire series finds Tony in his new shrinks waiting room. While Tonys therapist is Dr. Jennifer Melfi (Lorraine Bracco), a fellow Italian (we learn later that Tony was given three recommendations for therapists; the other two had Jewish names), he knows enough about therapy to quote Freud, and his therapy plays out in stark contrast to the spiritual counseling his wife undergoes with a Catholic priest. When Tonys mother catches wind that he is in therapy, she says, Everybody knows that its a racket for the Jews.

Eventually, Tonys wife, Carmela Soprano (played by Edie Falco), winds up seeing her own therapist, Dr. Krakower, an older male Jewish psychoanalyst. The scene plays out thusly:

I may be overstepping my boundaries here, but you are Jewish, arent you?

Is that relevant?

Well, us Catholics we place a great deal of stock in the sanctity of the family. And Im not sure your people .

Ive been married for 31 years.

In marked contrast with Dr. Melfi, who withholds any moral judgments about her patients, favoring a relativistic approach, Dr. Krakower comes across like an Old Testament prophet seeing the world in black and white. He practically orders Carmela to take her children and leave her husband immediately; suggests that Tony turn himself in to the police and spend seven years in prison studying Dostoevskys Crime and Punishment; and refuses to charge Carmela for the session, saying he does not take blood money.

Other Jewish characters appear in the series, including Dr. Melfis supervising psychiatrist, Elliot Kupferberg, portrayed by Peter Bogdanovich. In college, Meadow Soprano Tony and Carmelas daughter, played by Jewish actress Jamie-Lynn Sigler has a Black boyfriend, Noah Tannenbaum, much to the chagrin of her father, who doesnt object to the fact that Tannenbaum is Jewish but cannot get around the color of his skin. Most of the doctors and lawyers in the series are Jewish: David Margulies portrays Tonys attorney, Neil Mink; Richard Portnow plays Harold Melvoin, legal counsel to Corrado Junior Soprano, Tonys uncle and the nominal head of the crime family; Matthew Sussman portrays Dr. Douglas Schreck, Junior Sopranos cardiologist.

While for the most part Italian actors play Italian characters and Jewish actors plays Jews, there are a few notable exceptions beyond Jamie-Lynn Sigler. Steve Schirripa, who plays Bobby Bobby Bacala Baccalieri, once told an interviewer from the Jewish Journal, My mother was Jewish, so I had a whole Jewish side of the family. My mothers maiden name was Bernstein. My grandmothers name was Moskowitz, so I know all about that world. So I was raised Catholic, but I very much identify as being Jewish as well. I had all kinds of aunts and uncles and I had the best of both worlds.

David Proval, who portrays mobster Richie Aprile, was probably the only yeshive bokher in the cast; he was raised in East New York, Brooklyn, where he attended Yeshiva Toras Chaim. Margulies plays Julianna Skiff, a realtor who has a fling with Tony and his nephew, Christopher. Ari Graynor portrayed Caitlin Rucker, Meadow Sopranos roommate at Columbia University, who hails from Bartlesville, Oklahoma Sandra Bernhard, Linda Lavin and Sydney Pollack also made cameo appearances in the original series.

It is not clear if The Many Saints of Newark will deal with the back stories of any of the main Jewish characters in the TV series. The only one of consequence would be Hesh Rabkin. But David Chase and his Jewish cowriter, Lawrence Konner, did cast two Jews to play main members of the Sopranos family. Corey Stoll will play a younger version of Junior and Jon Bernthal is portraying Tonys father, Johnny.

Seth Rogovoy is a contributing editor at the Forward. He frequently mines popular culture for its lesser-known Jewish stories.

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The secret Jewish history of The Sopranos The Forward - Forward

A Review of In the Shadow of Moses – jewishboston.com

Posted By on October 2, 2021

In the Shadow of Moses: New Jewish Movements in Africa and the DiasporaLos Angeles: Tshei Publishers, 2016. 280 pages.

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With this volume, editors Daniel Lis, Williams F. S. Miles, and Tudor Parfitt aim to put on the radar of students and specialists of Africa the existence and growth of Jewish communities of color, as well as to deal with a developing religious and ethnic question for the 21st century: What is the role of Black Africans, both in Africa and the African Diaspora, in the redefinition of Judaism and Jewish identity? (p. xii).

In the opening chapter, African Judaism and New Religious Movements: Repainting the White House of Judaism, Miles frames contemporary African and Black communities practicing Judaism as New Jewish Movements (NJMs), and situates what he terms the extraordinary flourishing of African and African Diaspora Judaism within the established literature of New Religious Movements (p. 3).

By focusing on populations in Nigeria (specifically the Igbo) and Madagascar that claim Israelite ancestry through Lost Tribe descent, Miles illustrates how NJMs often involve a transition from mainstream Christian denominations (including Sabbatarian churches, which observe Saturday as the day of rest) to Messianic Judaism (a Jesus-centric faith involving the adoption of some Jewish rituals, observances, and holidays, but which Jews around the world would recognize as a form of Christianity) before finally arriving at rabbinic Judaism.

Parfitts chapter on Race and History: The Black Jews of Loango deals with a group for which there is a meager amount of information available (p. 40), evidence is sparse (p. 44), and that has a largely unknowable past (p. 45), but that resided between 1500 and 1915 in what today is the western part of the Republic of Congo. (So much for a new Jewish movement.) Parfitt discusses this vanished community in the context of the anxieties and concerns which the concept of Black Jew in general provoked in Western society (p. 45), and the trouble Westerners have had in conceptualizing the existence of Black Jews.

In They were Looking for Christians and What They Got Were Jews, Lis describes the Christian concept of Lost Tribes and how 19th-century Christian missionariesin particular those from Basel, Switzerlandnourished Jewish identity construction in Ethiopia, Ghana, and Nigeria, and to some extent in Sierra Leone, where they also operated. While African adherents of Judaism (the religion)or Judaizersrepresent a tiny fraction of their respective ethnic groups, the overall identification of an Israelite origin is often shared with larger sections of the ethnic (and mostly Christian) groups to which they belong (p. 51).

Lis argues that this is at least partly the result of Christian missionary influence. For example, with the introduction of literacy and the Bible to the Igbo, Christian conversion efforts led many Igbo to recognize themselves and their customs in the stories of the Old Testament and the religion of ancient Israel (p. 59), and to identify as Jews even without embracing Judaism. Meanwhile, Israelite identity was clearly in existence among the Beta Israel in Abyssinia prior to 19th-century missionizing therethough opposition to the missionaries may have led to a revival of Beta Israel identity (p. 67)and Lis is careful not to disparage the authenticity of Black African Jewish identity (p. 69). (For more on Judaism and Jewish identify in Nigeria, see here.)

In The Color of Judaism, the only chapter situated in Europe, Aurlien Mokoko Gampiot and Ccile Coquet-Mokoko describe, based on six years of fieldwork, the challenges currently facing Black Jews in France, where there are an estimated 550,000 to 600,000 Jews. While the total number of practicing Black Jews is not known, an estimated 200 families of African and West Indian descent who practice Judaism reside in the greater Paris area. Numerically marginal, Black Jewish men and women are active in attempting to normalize their presence in Jewish spaces in France by becoming visible to other Jews, as their identification with the Jewish people is inseparable from the issue of visibility (p. 85).

Also concerned with visibility, Janice R. Levis Making Visible the Invisible, the volumes fifth chapter, focuses on the House of Israel community of Ghanas Sefwi Wiawso district. Though its claim to Judaism was first made in 1977, following its founders theopneusty, Levi contends that the community and its wider ethnic group may indeed be, as the House of Israels members assert, descendants of Jews. Prior to 1977, a legacy of imposed Jewish invisibility had been inculcated in the Sefwi, she contends, due to persecution, colonialism, or the inability to freely choose a religion (p. 107). Levi points to the communitys oral narratives, performative memory (i.e., institutionalized memory), and external commentaries as sources that she argues should be privileged no less than Western paradigms and preferences of historical documentation when it comes to authenticating Jewish origin (p. 109).

Nathan P. Devirs The Internet Jews of Cameroon: Inside the Digital Matrix of Globalized Judaism describes the Beth Yeshourun community in the village of Saa, whose then-Christian members began learning about Judaism through the internet in the late 1990s and who for the most part do not posit a Jewish genealogy for themselves. Alone among this volumes contributors, Devir intimates some doubt about the flourishing of NJMs, remaining uncertain about this approximately 50-person communitys future. Though the internet has proved useful for learning about rabbinic Judaism and making connections with global Jewry, its members have no real Jewish infrastructure. Furthermore, given that most of them do not claim a shared genealogy with other Jews, casual Jewish ethnocultural belonging is not an option for the Beth Yeshourun in Cameroon (p. 127). (For more on Judaism in Cameroon, see here.)

Isabella Sois Judaism in Uganda: A Tale of Two Communities chronicles one NJMs rise, difficulties, and more recent renaissance. She recounts the Baganda leader Semei Kakungulus religious shift from Christianity toward biblical Judaism, and eventually rabbinic Judaism, in the late 1910s and 1920s, as well as the subsequent travails that the relatively isolated community he founded experienced under the dictatorship of Idi Amin, whose persecutions reduced the community to some 300 members. Though the now-revitalized Abayudaya still have limited contact with Jews residing in the capital (who are mainly foreign businessmen and diplomats) and have not been recognized as Jewish by the state of Israel, they have many international Jewish links, which have aided them in developing religious, educational, and economic infrastructure.

In the volumes eighth chapter, A Matrix of Jewish Phenomena in Sub-Saharan Africa, Marla Brettschneider writes about recent Jewish or Jewishly related developments in Cte dIvoire and Gabon, paying particular attention to gender issues. NJM growth there has occurred within the colonial and slavery legacy of the communities in these countries, with Judaism or ideas related to it (such as forms of Kabbalah) satisfying individual and communal aspirations for meaning and self-identification (p. 169).

Now numbering about 140,000 in Israel, Ethiopian Jews (previously known as the Beta Israel) are by far the largest of any Jewish community connected to sub-Saharan Africa. Israeli scholars Steven Kaplan and Hagar Salamon speculated in a 1998 paper for the Institute for Jewish Policy Research that Ethiopian Jews may be per capita the most talked about and written about group in the world. This is likely still the case some 20 years later.

In chapter 10, Building Bridges: Ethiopian Israelis Take a Second Look at Ethiopia, Len Lyons investigates where Ethiopian Israelis themselves, both past and present, believe their home to be (201). Even in Ethiopia, the Beta Israel community saw distant Jerusalem as its true home. However, though the state of Israel has quite possibly done more to support the Ethiopian community than any country has ever done for an immigrant group, Ethiopian Jews, many of whom have now adopted a Black racial identity along with their Jewish one, have come to the conclusion that they are second-class citizens in Israel (p. 212). Lyons argues that their full integration will take a long time. Nonetheless, though they may not yet feel at home in Israel, Ethiopian Israelis profess strongly the idea that Israel is their home (p. 218). (For more on Ethiopian Judaism, see here.)

Chapter 9Sheldon Gellars Ye Shall Not Oppress the Stranger: Sudanese and Eritrean Asylum Seekers in Israeland chapter 11Martina Konighofers Who Opened the Seven Seals?: Rastafarians and African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalemare perhaps the most puzzling in this volume on NJMs. The groups covered in those chapters may be part of new African diaspora movements, but it is difficult to see how they are in any way Jewish movements, and the two authors do not even attempt to make that case. There is no indication that African migrants/asylum seekers in Israel, Rastafarians, or African Hebrew Israelites of Jerusalem fit the NJMs pattern in which non-Jewish faiths such as Christianity (including Messianic Judaism) eventually lead to rabbinic Judaism or to an affiliation with global Jewry.

Emphasizing what Miles terms the extraordinary flourishing of African and African Diaspora Judaism (p. 3), In the Shadow of Mosess preface is preceded by a map of Africa and Southwest Asia purporting to show Countries with Jewish and Judaizing communities covered in this book (p. x). These are Senegal, Sierra Leone, Republic of Congo, Angola, Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea, Cte dIvoire, Ghana, Cameroon, Gabon, Uganda, Nigeria, Madagascar, Ethiopia, and Israel. (France, though the focus of a chapter, is absent from the map.) As one progresses through the book, however, it becomes less and less apparent that several of the African and African diaspora communities covered in this volume can be accurately described as new, flourishing, or even Jewish. Indeed, by the conclusion of this otherwise informative collection, it is evident that the supposedly new Jewish and Judaizing communities of at least seven of the countries (Senegal, Sierra Leone, Republic of Congo, Angola, Sudan, South Sudan, and Eritrea) listed on its map of Africa have not been considered at all.

As mentioned, In the Shadow of Moses is geared toward students and specialists on Africa. Nonetheless, it is also a generally useful volume, with chapters of interest to anyone seeking material on Jewish identity among Black Africans.

Earlier reviews of this book appeared in Reading Religiona publication of the American Academy of Religionand in Jewish Rhode Island. For more by Shai Afsai about African Judaism, see here.

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This post has been contributed by a third party. The opinions, facts and any media content are presented solely by the author, and JewishBoston assumes no responsibility for them. Want to add your voice to the conversation? Publish your own post here.MORE

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A Review of In the Shadow of Moses - jewishboston.com

A German Jewish (and Latinx) perspective on Hispanic Heritage Month – Forward

Posted By on October 2, 2021

National Hispanic Heritage Month runs from Sept. 15 to Oct. 15 and celebrates the histories, cultures and contributions of American citizens whose ancestors came from Spain, Mexico, the Caribbean, and Central and South America. Staffers of Bechol Lashon asked their colleague Julian Voloj, who was born in Germany of parents from Colombia, about the history and significance of the month.

When is National Hispanic Heritage Month celebrated?

It is celebrated from Sept. 15 to Oct. 15. I admit, its a bit lame that Latinx people dont even get a full month, just two half months. But in all seriousness, the reason why it starts on September 15 has to do with the fact that when it was created in 1968 under President Lyndon Johnson, it was Hispanic Heritage Week. Twenty years later, in 1988, President Ronald Reagan expanded it to a whole month.

The starting day is significant because Sept. 15 is the anniversary of independence for Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Mexico celebrates its independence on the 16th, and Chile on the 18th.

In addition, Columbus Day, which is celebrated on the second Monday in October, falls within this 30-day period. But the inclusion of Columbus Day underlines how the perception of Hispanic Heritage has changed in the three decades since National Hispanic Heritage Month was established.

What do you mean?

More and more people celebrate Indigenous Peoples Day as a counter-celebration to Columbus Day. While the former honors Native American people and commemorates their histories and cultures, the latter is seen as a representation of the violent history of colonization in the Western Hemisphere.

Another change is related to the terminology. Does it really make sense to still celebrate a Hispanic Heritage Month? The word Hispanic refers to a person who is either from, or a descendant of someone who is from, a Spanish-speaking country. This would, of course, exclude Brazilians since they speak Portuguese. However, despite the language difference, Brazilians have more in common with other Latin Americans than with their former colonizers from Europe.

So what term should we use?

Many people have adopted the term Latinx Heritage Month. Latinx is the gender-neutral version of Latinos/Latinas. The term has been around for a while, but it really only gained more prominent usage after the Pulse nightclub shooting in 2016. Many of the victims were LGBTQ+ people with roots in Central and South America. Websters dictionary added the term Latinx in September 2018. However, a recent Pew Study found that only a quarter of American adults who self-identify as Hispanic or Latino have heard of the term Latinx, and just 3% say they use it to describe themselves. So its still a work in progress.

What term do you use?

In written form I use Latinx because it is inclusive. When speaking, however, I find that, Latino comes more naturally.

How do you yourself identify?

Im definitely in the intersection of cultures and identities. It starts with my last name, which comes from a Medieval German word that means foreigner or stranger but is spelled according to the Spanish pronunciation. Originally it was Wallach or Wolloch, but when my paternal grandfather moved to Latin America in the 1930s, he changed the spelling.

So your grandparents were immigrants to Colombia?

Three of them were, but my fathers mother was actually a native Colombian who converted to Judaism. My moms parents met in Colombia. Her father had fled Germany with his family before the war. Her mother, my grandmother, survived the Shoah with her brother and came to Colombia after the war.

But you grew up in Germany?

Correct. Both my parents were born in Colombia, but I was born in Germany. And my kids were born here in the United States. Each generation was born in a different country!

Have you lived in Colombia?

I have never lived there, but I have visited the country a few times. It took me a while to embrace my Latinx identity, even though growing up as a Jew in Germany, I often referred to my Colombian roots in order to avoid telling people I was Jewish.

Can you explain?

The identity discourse is very different in Europe than it is here in the United States. I never saw myself as part of the majority culture. From the way I look, it was clear that I was not an ethnic German, and in American terms I would have been considered a person of color. Of course in Germany, we do not use the term person of color. Instead, when we talk about racial or ethnic diversity we talk about people with a different migration background.

Even if my family is rooted in Germany, we dont look stereotypically German and people often assumed that I was Turkish, Italian or Greek. Being Jewish in Germany can sometimes be a challenge, not necessarily because of prejudice, but there is sometimes tokenism and guilt, so it was often easier to say that my parents are Colombians to explain why I look the way I look.

Funny enough, while I was born in Germany, I often had to explain or even defend my German identity. I rarely have to do it in New York, where everyone is from someplace else. Living here definitely strengthened my Latinx identity.

How so?

There is a lot of ethnic pride here. Ive always been very self conscious about my German accent in Spanish, but in NYC I have many Latinx friends who identify as Puerto Rican or Colombian but do not even speak Spanish fluently.

Unlike the often ethnic national identity concepts of Europe, here you dont have to choose between your identities, you can be one thing AND another. Therefore the name of this blog is also perfect for me. I am Jewish and I am Jewish and German and Colombian and Latinx and a New Yorker. One thing does not exclude the other.

You have visited many Central and South American countries. How are the Jewish communities different and how are they similar to the ones in North American?

Like here, there are regional differences, but there are also a lot of similarities. For starters, in many cases there are the same immigrant stories, but someone got off the boat in Montevideo or Havana, and not in New York.

Latin American countries are for the most part immigrant countries, even if the perception is very different. For instance, I visited Once (pronounced OHN-tse), the immigrant district of Buenos Aires, and it really reminded me of New Yorks Lower East Side, especially because there is a significant Asian population. Latinx identity is diverse; there are Afro Colombians and Asian Brazilians, and Jews with their own diversity are part of this complex identity.

This interview originally appeared in 2020 on the Jewish& webpage of Bechol Lashon, a San Francisco-based organization that has advocated for the racial and ethnic diversity of the Jewish people for more than 20 years.

Originally posted here:

A German Jewish (and Latinx) perspective on Hispanic Heritage Month - Forward


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